The Romantic Fates of Jane Austen and Anne Elliot free essay sample

This exposition thinks about the sentimental existence of writer Jane Austen with that of her character, Anne Elliot in Persuasion. The paper draws examinations between Persuasions Anne Elliots sentimental battles and that of the creator, Jane Austen, proposing that approaching an amazing finish, the creator was pondering how her own life may have eventuated had she hitched the man from her childhood, rather than staying single. The creator inspects different connections in the novel and how those connections speak to the elective destinies Anne may have endured had she not picked up the solidarity to play a functioning job and wed for adoration. From the Paper: Jane Austens last novel, 'Influence,' is a keen depiction of the difficulties looked by ladies during the 1800s. The story seen through the eyes of the courageous woman, Anne Elliot, gives perusers an impression of the impact that nineteenth century society could have on a womans destiny, had she not the solidarity to stand up to. We will compose a custom paper test on The Romantic Fates of Jane Austen and Anne Elliot or on the other hand any comparative point explicitly for you Don't WasteYour Time Recruit WRITER Just 13.90/page Anne Elliots character changes from inactive to dynamic through the span of the novel. It is along these lines that she keeps away from the elective destinies sensationalized for her by other ladies in the novel and amusingly, by Jane Austen herself.

Direct Democracy vs Representative Democracy Essay Example For Students

Direct Democracy versus Representative Democracy Essay Direct Democracy versus Representative DemocracyThe term Democracy is gotten from two Greek words, demos, meaningpeople, and kratos, which means rule. These two words structure the word majority rules system whichmeans rule by the individuals. Aristotle, and other antiquated Greek politicalphilosophers, utilized the expression, the governors are to be the administered, or as wehave come to know it, run and be controlled thus. The two significant sorts of popular government are Representative Democracy and DirectDemocracy. Unmistakably the contentions for and against each type of vote based system areplentiful. In any case, it is my conviction that hypothetically, Direct Democracy is thesuperior type of political principle. Because of issues with in the direct democraticsystem, its utilization as a down to earth type of government isn't even conceivable. Along these lines, all together for any type of vote based system to work, RepresentativeDemocracy is the prevalent type of political standard. We will compose a custom exposition on Direct Democracy versus Representative Democracy explicitly for you for just $16.38 $13.9/page Request now Jean Jacques Rousseau is considered by numerous individuals to be the Grandfather ofdirect the majority rules system theory.Rousseaus perfect society would be the place thecitizens were straightforwardly engaged with the making of the laws which are to governtheir lives. He kept up that, all residents should get together and decidewhat is best for the network and establish the fitting laws. Any law whichwas not legitimately made by the residents isn't substantial, and if those laws areimposed on individuals, that is comparable to the individuals being subjugated. The residents of a general public must both create and comply with the supremedecision of the general will, which is the societys assurance of thecommon great. It isn't even conceivable that all residents will concur on what goodis. Rousseau perceived this and acknowledged a term of greater part rule. Those whovoted against an arrangement which is seen as the best for the general, must havebeen considering individual additions, instead of the increases of the whole society. The element which recognizes direct majority rules system from different structures ofgovernment is the possibility of understanding and the way to understanding is conversation. Itis difficult to agree without conversation, since it isn't rightto imagine that everyone will have a similar supposition on all issues. In any case, it isvery conceivable, that through conversation an understanding could be reached by allmembers. Portrayal, then again permits a chosen few to makedecisions in their own wellbeing, which isn't really the best interestof the general public. Be that as it may, direct majority rules system isn't the ideal technique to deliver a unionof the network. For an immediate popular government to work, up close and personal communicationbetween all individuals from the network is required. The main way this is possibleis to meet in enormous gatherings. Because of the dread of high strain, numerous citizenswill pass on these enormous gathering meeting. So all together for thesefearful individuals to voice their sentiments they should get together in littler, lesstensions gatherings, where they are not as bashful to state as they wish to witness. An immediate majority rule government can just work in a little gathering, so as a type of governmentfor a whole network or nation, direct popular government would come up short. Asthe enrollment builds, individuals become less included. Once the membershipreaches the size of a nation, the interest despite everything exists, except is constrained toas low as it can go. In this way in a nation, any type of direct vote based system is onlypossible in singular networks. All together for an advisory group sufficiently little to work on direct democracyprinciples to have any power whatsoever, it must speak to an a lot bigger gathering. .u2996bedd0686982cb5cabf5f76300b20 , .u2996bedd0686982cb5cabf5f76300b20 .postImageUrl , .u2996bedd0686982cb5cabf5f76300b20 .focused content territory { min-stature: 80px; position: relative; } .u2996bedd0686982cb5cabf5f76300b20 , .u2996bedd0686982cb5cabf5f76300b20:hover , .u2996bedd0686982cb5cabf5f76300b20:visited , .u2996bedd0686982cb5cabf5f76300b20:active { border:0!important; } .u2996bedd0686982cb5cabf5f76300b20 .clearfix:after { content: ; show: table; clear: both; } .u2996bedd0686982cb5cabf5f76300b20 { show: square; progress: foundation shading 250ms; webkit-change: foundation shading 250ms; width: 100%; haziness: 1; progress: mistiness 250ms; webkit-change: murkiness 250ms; foundation shading: #95A5A6; } .u2996bedd0686982cb5cabf5f76300b20:active , .u2996bedd0686982cb5cabf5f76300b20:hover { darkness: 1; change: obscurity 250ms; webkit-progress: murkiness 250ms; foundation shading: #2C3E50; } .u2996bedd0686982cb5cabf5f76300b20 .focused content zone { width: 100%; position: relati ve; } .u2996bedd0686982cb5cabf5f76300b20 .ctaText { fringe base: 0 strong #fff; shading: #2980B9; text dimension: 16px; textual style weight: intense; edge: 0; cushioning: 0; content embellishment: underline; } .u2996bedd0686982cb5cabf5f76300b20 .postTitle { shading: #FFFFFF; text dimension: 16px; textual style weight: 600; edge: 0; cushioning: 0; width: 100%; } .u2996bedd0686982cb5cabf5f76300b20 .ctaButton { foundation shading: #7F8C8D!important; shading: #2980B9; outskirt: none; fringe range: 3px; box-shadow: none; text dimension: 14px; text style weight: striking; line-tallness: 26px; moz-outskirt sweep: 3px; content adjust: focus; content improvement: none; content shadow: none; width: 80px; min-tallness: 80px; foundation: url(https://artscolumbia.org/wp-content/modules/intelly-related-posts/resources/pictures/basic arrow.png)no-rehash; position: total; right: 0; top: 0; } .u2996bedd0686982cb5cabf5f76300b20:hover .ctaButton { foundation shading: #34495E!important; } .u2996bedd06 86982cb5cabf5f76300b20 .focused content { show: table; tallness: 80px; cushioning left: 18px; top: 0; } .u2996bedd0686982cb5cabf5f76300b20-content { show: table-cell; edge: 0; cushioning: 0; cushioning right: 108px; position: relative; vertical-adjust: center; width: 100%; } .u2996bedd0686982cb5cabf5f76300b20:after { content: ; show: square; clear: both; } READ: A Land Far, Far Away EssayMembership in this bigger gathering is picked by political decision, so the individuals still havea state in the decision procedure. Since the rulers are chosen by the individuals, therulers ought to speak to what the open needs. In this way, out of direct majority rules system, isborn another type of government, the Representative Democracy. Agent vote based system isn't vote based system in its most flawless structure. The mainargument against delegate majority rules system is that No one can speak to me. Imthe one in particular who comprehends what Im thinking and nobody else can speak to myviews. We have just learned it is additionally difficult to speak to yourself. Through portrayal, picked by the individuals, the expectation is that all individuals willbe satisfactorily spoke to. While everybody may not get the entirety of their viewsrepresented constantly, agent majority rules system ought to make a situationwhere a large portion of the perspectives are spoken to. Direct majority rule government isn't unimaginable in all circumstances, however all together forin to exist the accompanying two qualities must exist-The association mustbe nearby, (constrained in individuals) and the assessments of the individuals must be similarto one another. While these conditions are regularly found in a little organization,when taking a gander at a nation, these conditions are difficult to meet. In a blended society direct majority rule government would prompt insufficient management,unwanted wastefulness, and political precariousness. While In a representativedemocracy, the delegates depend on political trade off to determine conflicts,and create arrangements that are adaptable enough to meet moving conditions. The once prevailing Greek culture has gotten obsolete and alongside itwent the desire for an immediate vote based system arrangement of government. The direct democracytheory may have worked in the little Greek towns of 500BC, however in enormous modernsocieties, it essentially couldn't work. Which is the reason the agent democracywas began, which, while furnishing the resident with less open door forparticipation, is unmistakably appropriate for rule in current occasions Thus, obviously adirect vote based system is the main genuine type of majority rules system. Be that as it may, if majority rule government is tobe is utilized in an advanced society, it can not take its perfectionist structure. Theory

Choosing The Best GRE Topic Essay Samples

Choosing The Best GRE Topic Essay SamplesWhether you are writing an academic or business related essay, using the proper GRE topic samples will help you to provide the most thorough, reliable and grammatically correct essay possible. If you haven't been doing this, it is highly recommended that you do so before submitting your essay for the examination.An easy way to get started with the topic sample selection process is to get some study guides and other online practice tests that can be used to help you in selecting topics and answering the essay questions. These types of test prep tools can give you a great idea about what type of essay topics would likely be included on the actual GRE exam. Using these tools as a guide is the best way to ensure that you write a thorough and informative essay.However, these types of tests are not available to students during testing time. If you are taking a practice test, you will only get one shot at trying to figure out what topic is required o n the actual exam. Therefore, you will need to utilize your own resources and create your own sample essay to use prior to testing time. Creating the topic within your knowledge base will ensure that you have a more comprehensive and accurate essay than simply choosing a topic from the test-prep materials.You can purchase essay samples from a variety of sources. One of the easiest ways to get topics on the GRE exam is to choose something related to your area of interest. For example, if you are an English major, the topic may be a discussion of your favorite author, topic or style. Another way to come up with topic samples is to choose a topic based on your skills and experience in the field or area of study you are studying.For example, if you are studying Math, you may want to choose a topic that is centered around a math-related subject or skill. Likewise, if you are studying Psychology, you may want to use a topic that relates to psychology, like dissociative disorders or neuro- linguistic programming. Knowing the particular area of study that you will be writing about can also be a good strategy in picking the best topic for your essay.This is especially true if you are writing on a topic that is already too long and needs to be covered in additional and extra details. Instead of having to reinvent the wheel, it is best to simply pick a topic that pertains to your expertise or area of interest. Additionally, if you feel that the topic is too difficult or confusing to write, you may wish to consider using a specialized software tool such as Wonder Writer to write the essay.With these types of tools, you can provide an outline and turn your entire essay around in a few minutes. This will eliminate many of the common problems in writing essays, such as choosing topics that are difficult to understand and creating an outline that is not complete. Using a software program such as Wonder Writer is a good way to make sure that you cover all of the necessary infor mation and skills that will be required on the GRE exam.By utilizing the GRE topic samples that you have gathered from past exams, you will get a good idea of what to expect during the actual test. Hopefully, this will help you write a more enjoyable and cohesive essay.

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Rivera Surname Meaning and Origin

Rivera is a common Hispanic surname bestowed on a person who lived on a riverbank, from ribera, the Spanish word for riverbank. The name may also be a habitational name for someone from any one of the places named Rivera. Rivera is also a northern Italian variation of the surname Ribera, which also means river bank or shore, from the  Italian ribera  (Late Latin riparia), meaning bank, shore. The Rivera surname can be traced back to Gonzalo Là ³pez de Rivera, Lord of the Castle of Rivera in Galicia in the 1200s, according to Instituto Genealà ³gico e Histà ³rico Latinoamericano. Some sources, however, claim that the Riveras are direct descendants of Sancho Belloso, natural-born son of the King of Leà ³n, Ramiro III. Others, that the name dates back to ancient Roman times. Rivera is the 9th most common Hispanic surname. Surname Origin:  Spanish Alternate Surname Spellings:  RIBERA, RIVA, RIVERO, RIVIERE, RIBA Famous People With the Surname Rivera Chita Rivera - American dancer, singer, and actressDiego Rivera - Mexican painter and muralistGeraldo Rivera - American talk show host and journalistJenni Rivera - Mexican American singer Where Do People With the Rivera Surname Live? Rivera is the 260th most common surname in the world, according to surname distribution data from  Forebears, found in greatest numbers  in Mexico and with the highest density in Puerto Rico where it is the most common surname. The Rivera surname is also very common in Honduras and El Salvador, where it ranks 8th, as well as Nicaragua (19th), Panama (24th), Mexico (29th) and Guatemala (30th). Within Europe, Rivera is most frequently found in Spain, according to  WorldNames PublicProfiler, especially in the Extremadura and Galicia regions. The surname is also very common in the United States, especially in the states of New Mexico and New York. Genealogy Resources for the Surname Rivera 100 Common Hispanic Surnames Their MeaningsGarcia, Martinez, Rodriguez, Lopez, Hernandez... Are you one of the millions of people sporting one of these top 100 common Hispanic last names? How to Research Hispanic HeritageLearn how to get started researching  your Hispanic ancestors, including the basics of family tree research and country-specific organizations, genealogical records, and resources for Spain, Latin America, Mexico, Brazil, the Caribbean, and other Spanish speaking countries. Rivera Family Crest — Its Not What You ThinkContrary to what you may hear, there is no such thing as a Rivera family crest or coat of arms for the Rivera surname.  Coats of arms are granted to individuals, not families, and may rightfully be used only by the uninterrupted male-line descendants of the person to whom the coat of arms was originally granted.   Rivera Family Genealogy ForumSearch this popular genealogy forum for the Rivera surname to find others who might be researching your ancestors, or post your own Rivera query. FamilySearch — Rivera GenealogyAccess over 4.8 million free historical records and lineage-linked family trees posted for the Rivera surname and its variations on this free genealogy website hosted by the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. GeneaNet — Rivera RecordsGeneaNet includes archival records, family trees, and other resources for individuals with the Rivera surname, with a concentration on records and families from France, Spain, and other European countries. RIVERA Surname Family Mailing ListsThis free mailing list for researchers of the Rivera surname and its variations includes subscription details and searchable archives of past messages. DistantCousin.com — RIVERA Genealogy Family HistoryExplore free databases and genealogy links for the last name Rivera. The Rivera Genealogy and Family Tree PageBrowse family trees and links to genealogical and historical records for individuals with the last name Rivera from the website of Genealogy Today. References Cottle, Basil.  Penguin Dictionary of Surnames. Baltimore, MD: Penguin Books, 1967. Dorward, David.  Scottish Surnames. Collins Celtic (Pocket edition), 1998. Fucilla, Joseph.  Our Italian Surnames. Genealogical Publishing Company, 2003. Hanks, Patrick and Flavia Hodges.  A Dictionary of Surnames. Oxford University Press, 1989. Hanks, Patrick.  Dictionary of American Family Names. Oxford University Press, 2003. Reaney, P.H.  A Dictionary of English Surnames. Oxford University Press, 1997. Smith, Elsdon C.  American Surnames. Genealogical Publishing Company, 1997. https://www.thoughtco.com/surname-meanings-and-origins-s2-1422408

The Scarlet Letter By Nathaniel Hawthorne And The Awakening

The gender prejudice that exists in society does not only affect the individual being discriminated against, but the people close to them as well. This is demonstrated through the novels The Scarlet Letter by Nathaniel Hawthorne and The Awakening by Kate Chopin. The Scarlet Letter follows the story of a woman named Hester Prynne who is forced to wear a scarlet letter â€Å"A† on her chest as punishment for her crime of adultery. The Awakening follows the story of a woman named Edna Pontellier and the struggle that she faces when she has an affair and separates from her husband and her family. In both novels, the protagonists must endure the restrictions placed on them by society which leads to the destruction of the relationships they have with people close to them. The family members of the protagonists are also affected by the societal norms and restrictions placed against women. Each character holds onto their own symbol of freedom and identity which consequently affect peo ple close to them. Also, each character has their own way to confront with the detriments of society in place against women. Through the analysis of the established relationships with other family members, symbols of freedom and identity, and each character’s confrontation with society, the protagonists of The Scarlet Letter and The Awakening struggle with their identity through the restrictions placed against them in society, ultimately destroying the relationships they have with their loved ones. TheShow MoreRelatedScapegoats In The Scarlet Letter And The Awakening1425 Words   |  6 PagesScapegoats in The Scarlet Letter and The Awakening The act of blaming others for problems is a common phenomena that occurs not only in our society, but also in literature. In Nathaniel Hawthorne’s The Scarlet Letter, Pearl Prynne represents the scapegoat. Throughout the novel, the townspeople put the blame of Hester Prynne s sin on Pearl and Hester grows as a person. Pearl gives Hester a daily reminder of her sin and Hester grows to becomes a happier, better person in response. In addition, anotherRead MoreThe Scarlet Letter By Nathaniel Hawthorne2044 Words   |  9 PagesThe Scarlet Letter written by Nathaniel Hawthorne was set during the 1600s in a New England town during what is now known as the Puritan past of America. In the novel, the Puritan religion was not only observed but criticized as well. During this time, the Puritans were an extremely religious group of Protestants that were known for their intolerance of other religions and their strict guidelines for a righteous lifestyle that often lead to violence or crue l forms of punishment. Nathaniel HawthorneRead MoreGood Vs Evil By Nathaniel Hawthorne1515 Words   |  7 Pagesvs. evil is extremely prevalent within works from the Romanticism period such as The Scarlet Letter, Young Goodman Brown, and even in modern day. Good vs Evil is one of the main themes of the Scarlet Letter which was written by Nathaniel Hawthorne, another esteemed author of the time. This theme is very broad and can be specified, like for example the idea of society as a group of sinners. In the scarlet letter, when the meteor shoots across the sky whilst Dimmesdale and Hester, and Pearl are onRead More1850795 Words   |  4 Pagesit happened in September 11, 2001. But what do you recall from the year 1850? Just like any other year in 1850 several events happened that helped shape the United States. In literature perhaps one of the famous book â€Å"The Scarlett Letter† was written by Nathaniel Hawthorne. If it wasn’t for the Compromise of 1850 slavery may had taken a twist, imaginably maybe slavery would had taken part here in California or in other states in which slavery was abolished. Other than events in 1850 some great achievementsRead MoreThe Scarlet Letter Research Paper1189 Words   |  5 PagesTyler Beal English III T. Sinclair 19 May 2013 Portraying the Scarlet A within the Characters   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  In reality, the Scarlet Letter is many things. It has all the characteristics of a modern-day soap opera, but it is way more than some television show cast on ABC. It could be a sermon being shouted from a church attendee, but no; the Puritans are surely not the heroes in this novel. It could be a story of failure, for there are many failures cast upon the main characters, or it could be a storyRead More Kate Chopin The Awakening Essay2357 Words   |  10 PagesKate Chopin The Awakening To what extent does Edna Pontellier, in Kate Chopins The Awakening, mark a departure from the female characters of earlier nineteenth-century American novels The Awakening was published in 1899, and it immediately created a controversy. Contemporaries of Kate Chopin (1851-1904) were shocked by her depiction of a woman with active sexual desires, who dares to leave her husband and have an affair. Instead of condemning her protagonist, Chopin maintains a neutral,Read MoreNathaniel Hawthorne Essay1072 Words   |  5 PagesNathaniel Hawthorne was one of American literatures finest writers; his writing style was very distinct and unusual in some aspects. It is his background that provided this ambiguous and complex approach to writing. Hawthornes New England heritage has, at times, been said to be the contributing factor in his works. The Puritan view of life itself was considered to be allegorical, their theology rested primarily on the idea of predestination and the separation of the saved and the damned As evidentRead MoreEmbracing a Feminist Nature: A Theory Essay1812 Words   |  8 PagesHawthorne as Hester - Embracing a Feminist Nature : A Theory Hester Prynne remains a living force of feminist strength as she stands between the literary arguments of Hawthorne’s possible intentions of portraying his protagonist as either a central figure of feminist empowerment for women, in retrospect to the interpretations of his views on feminism of the timeframe, or a woman oppressed by her sins under the tyranny of puritanical injustice. While some argue for Hester’s feminist virtues withoutRead MoreFrederick Douglass And Hester Prynne1701 Words   |  7 Pagesthe Antebellum period of The United States. This was a man who was born a slave, escaped to his freedom and became one of the louder voices calling to abolish slavery. Then we have Hester Prynne, who is a fictional character from the mind of Nathaniel Hawthorne. Her time period was years before that of Douglass, as she lived Puritan New England. Looking at these two comparatively from the outside, it is hard to believe that the two would represent any of the same id eas. However, delving deeper intoRead MoreThe Scarlet Letter by Nathaniel Hawthorne1180 Words   |  5 Pagesclassic novel, The Scarlet Letter by Nathaniel Hawthorne, Arthur Dimmesdale conceals an abominable truth. Avoiding subjugation to the conservative Puritans Society rule, the reverend feigned obliviousness all the while Hester, the person he committed adultery with, fearlessly bared her shame upon her bosom. The society held Dimmesdale to a higher standard; as a result, their influences hindered his ability to take responsibility for his actions. The Scarlet Letter by Nathaniel Hawthorne manipulates complementary

Art A Brief History Essay Example For Students

Art A Brief History Essay French Realism was predominately a result of great political and social disruption. We can date back to 1848 as the principal time of Realism. The revolution in France led many artists to explore the idea of presenting experiences of the life that was around them. This included many paintings of poor and average people, who were not the average subject of previous artists. Realism and Naturalism was an idea of expressing the actual world around them. This was quickly embraced by other countries including the United States and Russia. Realism was opposed to the earlier notions of Romanticism and Neoclassicism and was supported by the view and belief of scientific methods. By the mid 1860s, Edouard Manet became the unofficial leader of a group of artists which would take the French Realists tradition to a new level. These artists known as Impressionists began to paint outdoor images such as country sides, and such in an effort to record the effects of light and environment. This is the period in which nature and the reality of its colors became dominant. In my opinion, the notion of reality changes from an actual view of what is seen (Realism) towards an image which contains the artists feelings and emotions (Impressionism). Impressionism seems to pull you into the scene, to make you feel as if you are looking in instead of at the image. Post-Impressionism was on extension of Impressionism but differed in such as to utilize more geometric shapes, distort form for expressive effect and use unnatural colors. Most of the Post-Impressionism artists were actually from the Impressionist period. These artists abandoned their art form in order to create a more personal art. I feel that these artists were trying to find new ways to express themselves without being restricted of the previous styles ahead of them. I think that during this time of artistic evolution, many great strides were made in order to show ones inner self through artistic expression. The artist which most impresses me is E`douard Manet. He has spectacular paintings but aside from that, there were many controversial issues about him. His paintings seem to not just tell a story or give a little information but rather lure one in to explore what was seen to what was being felt. There seem to be a deeper more self exploring factor within his work. I believe he was the one who led the Impressionism ways and start creating art differently.

WooCommerce vs Shopify Who Comes Out On Top (Aug 2019)

Which hosting provider to choose, what domain to purchase, which theme to pick – setting up a website can require a seemingly endless number of choices. Even more so when were talking about an e-commerce site, since then you have to make yet another crucial choice: Shopify vs WooCommerce.There are, of course, plenty of other options available besides these two, but thats not what were here to discuss. Shopify and WooCommerce are two of the most popular ones, and were here to pit them against each other.During this article, well be taking a long hard look at both platforms to figure out which comes out on top. Its Shopify vs WooCommerce time!In a hurry? Watch this video:Click here Whats unique about each e-commerce platform?Shopify is an all-in-one solution which enables you to create an online store, manage your products, and handle payments using a single service.WooCommerce is an open-source solution built on top of WordPress, which supercharges the Content Management System (CMS) and enables you to run an online store using the platform you know and love.Shopify vs WooCommerce: A look at their featuresThese are the bullet points of the Shopify vs WooCommerce showdown, so keep an eye out for your favorite features:ShopifyWooCommerceOffers three different plans for its users, starting at $29 per month.Completely free, although you will need to purchase your own hosting.Comes with a free myshopify.com subdomain for all plans.Doesnt include a free domain – you need to buy your own.Enables you to add unlimited products to your store.Also supports an unlimited number of products.Charges you specific fees for all your payments.Payment fees depend on which payment processors you decide to add.The platform offers its own app shop – both free and paid – which enables users to extend the functionality of their stores.Comes with an extension system (basically the same as WordPress plugins) which provides additional functionality to your store . Extensions come in both free and premium varieties.24/7 support.The developers behind WooCommerce offer support through a help desk for their users, as well as extensive documentation for the software.Dozens of premium themes are available to customize the look and feel of your site.There are dozens of premium and free themes for WooCommerce.Includes a Secure Socket Layer (SSL) certificate alongside all its plans.Includes SSL support  (as long as youve obtained your own certificate).Features its own analytics system, and can also be integrated with Google Analytics.Can be integrated with Google Analytics using a plugin. As mentioned in the table above, using WooCommerce requires you to buy your own web hosting. Although this might seem intimidating at first, its actually not that difficult of a task to handle.Just to point you in the right direction, a while ago, we compared the top hosting providers in the e-commerce space the best hosts for all kinds of e-commerce sites. Long story short, if youre looking for an affordable solution that will be able to handle your WooCommerce setup, check out SiteGround they will give you a suitable hosting plan for $3.95 / month. (Theyll also handle setting up the site for you, but thats another story.)Who uses those platforms?Shopify is the home of over 243,000 merchants selling everything from customized skateboards to baby-friendly jewelry (yes, thats a thing). It powers both small operations and renowned  names such as Lollapalooza and Party Rocks clothing channel.Lets take a quick look at  one Shopify user who has leveraged its features all the way to success.SoYoung makes use of MailChimp through their Shopify integration to send out targeted marketing campaigns. They manage their accounting using the third-party Xero app – which also comes with a Shopify integration – thus making the most out of Shopifys wide catalog of apps.WooCommerce is no slouch when it comes to adoption – the e-com merce platform powered approximately 400,000 sites by early 2015, and that number  will have increased exponentially since.Plenty of well-known names rely on WooCommerce for their online sales channels, such as Ripleys Believe It or Not! and New Balance. To better understand what the platform can offer, lets take a look at  a real use case:Quade Ecuador is Ecuadors first locally-built smartphone distributor, and they use WooCommerce to manage their online orders. Their site showcases all the features that you would expect from a professional online store such as reviews, discounts, multiple colors for each product, and related products. Its all made possible thanks to WooCommerces flexibility.What about pricing?Shopify offers a simple pricing method including three basic plans and a custom enterprise option. Their three plans are priced at $29, $79, and $299 respectively, and the main difference between each lies on the fees it charges for accepting credit cards.These difference s may seem minimal at first, but everyone who is familiar with retail operations can attest to the fact that credit card fees rack up fast. Furthermore, each successive plan also reduces the transaction fees for using external payment options such as PayPal and Stripe, as seen above.Each Shopify plan changes the number  of staff accounts available, as well as the ability to send out gift cards, and recover abandoned shopping carts (both are limited to the last two plans).WooCommerce, on the other hand, costs nothing upfront, but you need to set up hosting on your own. Hosting costs may vary depending on the scale of your store but generally speaking, a modest operation should run you less than Shopifys basic plan.WooCommerce extensions tend to cost more upfront than their Shopify counterparts, but theyre usually sold as one-time licenses rather than month to month subscriptions (as is the case with Shopify).Shopify vs WooCommerce: Which one is right for you?Weve made  it  to t he end of the Shopify vs WooCommerce brawl, and now  its time to determine which platform is best for you:Shopify is the way to go for users who dont want to deal with a complicated setup process and need  premium support. The service guarantees a smooth ride at the expense of a monthly subscription.WooCommerce can go blow-for-blow with Shopify and come out on top due to its inherent flexibility. However, its setup process is a bit more complicated and will require you to get your hands dirty. Its perfect for those of you who have an affinity for open-source software and want to customize every aspect of your experience.Its perfectly normal to feel intimidated by the choice of which e-commerce platform to pick. Running an online store is a massive undertaking, and choosing the wrong one could potentially cripple your operation right from its inception.Both Shopify and WooCommerce are great platforms on their own right – although each has its own set of pros and cons. As l ong as you go with whichever one suits your needs the best, youll have made the right decision.For which platform are you rooting when it comes to Shopify vs WooCommerce? Tell us why in the comments section below!Free guide5 Essential Tips to Speed Up Your WordPress SiteReduce your loading time by even 50-80% just by following simple tips. * This post contains affiliate links, which means that if you click on one of the product links and then purchase the product, well receive a small fee. No worries though, youll still pay the standard amount so theres no cost on your part.

Essay Socrates en de misdadiger †Deutsch Essay

Essay Socrates en de misdadiger – Deutsch Essay Free Online Research Papers Essay Socrates en de misdadiger Deutsch Essay In deze korte verhandeling ga ik het hebben over de ethische filosofie van Socrates. Socrates is de filosoof die voor een omslag in het denken zorgde ten tijde van de oude Grieken. Ik ga het hebben over de deugden en over het â€Å"inzicht†. Ik leg het verband uit tussen deze twee begrippen en ik zal uitleggen wat Socrates precies bedoelde met inzicht. Aan het einde zal ik beredeneren of het volgens Socrates al dan niet mogelijk is om een slimme misdadiger te zijn. Laten we nu eerst kijken naar het verband tussen inzicht en deugd. Socrates zegt dat hij niets weet. Hij bedoeld hiermee te zeggen dat wij niets kunnen zeggen over de hoedanigheden van de deugden. Hij maakt daarbij gebruik van de vakanalogie. Het is mogelijk om een beroep tot in de puntjes uit te kunnen oefenen, bijvoorbeeld een bakker. Het is mogelijk om kennis en wijsheid te vergaren van het â€Å"bakker Zijn†. Het is ook mogelijk om te spreken over die kennis. Een filosoof zoekt naar waarheden, bijvoorbeeld over bepaalde stellingen of over de vaardigheden met betrekking tot argumentatie. Socrates stelt dat het mogelijk is om over die dingen kennis te hebben, maar toch onwetend te zijn. Hij stelt dat we inzicht kunnen hebben over bepaalde deugden, maar niet over de essentià «le aard van de deugd. We kunnen niets weten en dus ook niets zeggen over de deugd als iets â€Å"Zijnde†. Over de deugd â€Å"an sich†. Socrates beredeneert tevens dat de mens altijd probeert om datgene te doen, dat het beste is voor diegene. Immers, goed is, wat deugdelijk is. Niemand doet opzettelijk iets verkeerds. De kennis over het goed handelen is niet alleen een voorwaardelijke, maar ook een voldoende of afdoende voorwaarde voor correct handelen. Dit is dus wat Socrates bedoeld met het inzicht hebben en het deugdelijk handelen. Als iemand onjuist handelt, dan komt dat omdat diegene niet genoeg kennis heeft verzameld over het goed handelen. Ook kan het zijn dat bepaalde personen een verkeerde manier van goed handelen hebben aangeleerd of meegekregen en daardoor beweren de wijsheid in pacht te hebben. Ook zulke personen zijn volgens Socrates onwetend. De wil van een mens is altijd positief en handelend naar het goede. Een zwakke wil kan dan ook niet; iedereen handelt uit overtuiging van wat voor die persoon als het Goede wordt gezien. Een misdadiger is iemand die niet de kennis heeft om goed te handelen zoals een â€Å"normaal† mens dat heeft geleerd. De misdadiger handelt in zijn ogen goed, maar kan hierin nooit â€Å"slim† zijn. De ware slimheid of wijsheid ken je pas als je goed handelt, en dit houdt volgens Socrates in dat je een ander niet in diskrediet brengt of benadeelt. De misdadiger handelt uit een gebrek aan kennis of slimheid, terwijl hijzelf denkt het goed te doen. De onrechtvaardigheid komt dus voort uit onwetendheid over het Goede en het â€Å"Slimme†. De misdadiger kan dus niet slim zijn. Een laatste noot is echter wel dat als we â€Å"misdadiger† zien als een vak, dat de misdager wel goed kan zijn in het uitoefenen van zijn vak. Bijvoorbeeld door te ontkomen aan de politie, zijn criminele vaardigheden op een goede en efficià «nte manier kan uitoefenen en deze kennis kan overbrengen. Maar het is dus niet mogelijk om slim te zijn, want hij is immoreel volgens Socrates. Research Papers on Essay Socrates en de misdadiger - Deutsch EssayComparison: Letter from Birmingham and CritoHarry Potter and the Deathly Hallows EssayEffects of Television Violence on ChildrenThe Relationship Between Delinquency and Drug UseCapital PunishmentResearch Process Part One

Discuss Phosphorous Cycle Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Discuss Phosphorous Cycle - Essay Example Thus, the phosphates present in the plants through irrigation or through natural absorption of soil water, become part of the constituents of growing plants in the ecosystem. Plants, however, do not remain unused; they are consumed by herbivorous animals, as fodder and by man as herbs and vegetables. As a result, phosphorous, in the form of the phosphates originating in the weathering of rocks, enters into the bodily systems of herbivorous plants and animals, and unites in the process of transformation or metabolism to form other chemical compounds of phosphorous. The process does not end there, as both man and animal pass out waste matter in the form of urine and excreta (Joiner, 75). Man and animals pass these out into or onto soil, or into lavatories (from lavatories, these wastes ultimately arrive in the soil). Alongside these process is the decomposition of dead plant or of animal and human bodies, which releases already absorbed or digested phosphates ( Mariah, 95). Thus, conve rted phosphates enter the soil, and close the cycle there. The above description is basically the process of the phosphorous cycle. ... Sewage farm, for instance, is farm which is irrigated with "sewage irrigation" (i.e. irrigation by sewage liquid), while sewage grass is grass grown on land fertilised by sewage. Thus phosphate waste matter is used to nurture plants, which store them up for animal and man, and for the enriching of farm soils, from which plants take nourishment or off which they may be washed into rivers and streams. Also relevant in the phosphorous cycle is the aquatic system, which includes plants and their environmental streams and rivers. Phosphates (from fertilisers or weathering of rocks, for example) not used by aquatic plants find their way into streams and rivers, and settle at the floor these waters. When these waters are stirred up (perhaps by man or fish), part of these settled sedimentary phosphates may re-enter the phosphorous cycle, through spilling over onto soils.In summary, therefore, the phosphorous cycle involves the transformation of phosphates from some liquid form into some solid form - or vive-versa - through the internal chemical processes of the interaction of the ecosystem constituents. Beginning with assimilation of phosphates into soils through rock weathering, its ends with the assimilation of phosphates back into the soil through the decomposition and excretion of plant, man, and animal. However, while phosphates are advantageous and essential to life and agriculture, they do at times have their adverse effects. A typical instance is its negative effect on fresh water. Typical fresh water is neutral, i.e. it has a PH value of 7; it is colourless, tasteless and odourless; perfectly fit for drinking, for cooking and for washing. But when excessive phosphates are allowed to enter into a reservoir or pool of fresh water

Chinese Society Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words - 1

Chinese Society - Essay Example the general citizenry of urban areas and the affect of widespread technological advances, such as online educational opportunities upon the traditional Chinese family. This feeling is entrenched within ancient Confucian culture and has escalated with inception of the one-child policy in 1979. Despite China’s rapid ascent into the global economy, which has resulted in increased exposure into the global cultures, the sexism from ancient times has persevered and increased as is evidenced by the disproportionate male to female births over the past two decades. This policy was intended simply to limit the skyrocketing population of the country but has affected population arrangements, economic growth, resource deployment and the stream of migration throughout China. Marriage and child-bearing ages have risen, the size of families has decreased, male-to-female ratio has increased and urban populations have escalated. Unquestionably, the far-reaching effects of the one child policy cannot be understood by merely measuring population numbers or birth rates. One also must factor quality of life into the equation including living standards, crime and education. Moreover, the sex-imbalance can be represented by the rising sex ratio at birth (Hung 2004). The current trend of noticeable labor migration from rural to urban China is becoming a significant social factor greatly altering the whole of society. Studies conducted in 1995 determined that 70 million people nationwide had abandoned their home town for temporary or continuing employment in larger towns within the region or to urban areas (Shukai, 1996). The mass amounts of people constantly streaming into urban areas have put a strain on the infrastructures of many cities in China. This has become a serious problem because most cities’ governing bodies could, at best, barely support its present population in terms of social amenities. For example, most railway stations in big cities experienced massive

Race-Specific Schools in Ontario Essay Example for Free

Race-Specific Schools in Ontario Essay Throughout the years Ontario has become a very multicultural province, meaning all schools are multicultural. Recently the government of Ontario has thought about the idea of having schools that are race-specific. These schools would only be open for a specific race and base it on the abilities of that race. Could a school like this work in our multicultural society? There are many people today that would not agree with this decision for many reasons. Society believes that these schools will not prepare students for the real world; they are an old-fashion idea. The Canadian dream is to be multi-cultural but an inclusive place. This idea of race based schools is looked down upon in this society. People think that making schools for specific races will not prepare students when they enter the real world after finishing high school. Going to race-specific school students will only be taught about the culture, and history of their own country. Also, they will be taught about the history of their race in Canada, and what their people have done that has impacted our history. This is not right because they need to learn about what every race did that impacted our history. Since we are now living in a multicultural county. Zanana Akande, an Ontario Legislature speaks on black focussed schools and says The situation in which we live, work and raise our kids is not a segregated one, it is an integrated one. When these students finish high school they will be so use to dealing with people of their own kind, it will be difficult for them to interact with others. Therefore these schools will not prepare them for the future in for university/collage and in the workplace. In all these institutions people are of all races, and cultures, so they need to learn how to treat, and speak to these people. The idea of having race-specific schools is archaic. In a modern multi-cultural society this would be moving a step in the opposite direction. Ontario is trying to move up culturally, but this would just move the province back. In many institutions they have programs that speak against racism, and try to prove that everyone is equal, and is able bodied to intake the same amount of knowledge and information. Making these schools would bring back the racism into our country, and go against all these racism acts. This would bring us back into time, where racism was part of the norm. Students should be learning in an environment where they are surrounded by people of different race. Dalton Mcguinty speaks on black focused schools and says I think our shared responsibility is to look for ways to bring people together. (Toronto star). We should not be moving backwards, but rather move forward to a better system and society.

?It is wrong to try and convert people to your religion.? :: essays research papers

There are many different views to this statement within the Christian faith.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The Christian church believes in religious freedom, but they believe that Christianity is the only religion with complete truth, whereas the other religions only contain some truth.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  One view is of exclusivism. This is the â€Å"old† accepted way. To be â€Å"saved† people must hear and respond to the Christian message. It is the duty of Christians to convert people in order to save them. In Matthew it is said, â€Å"Go make disciples of all nations†. This is a direct instruction for people to go and convert people to Christianity. They believe that the Bible is the word of God, and you can only reach salvation by following Jesus. Jesus said in John 14:6, â€Å" I am the way to truth and the life. No-one comes to the Father except through me†. This shows that you must follow Jesus’ teachings to get to heaven, and by converting people they are helping them get to heaven. An example of this is with Jahovah’s Witnesses. They believe that it is their duty to save people. They believe that they should spread the word to those who have not heard of the religion, so they have a chance to follow it. They do th is by going from house to house to try and find these people and talk to them about God.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Another view is of inclusivism. This is the more modern view for Christians. They believe that everybody is born with Gods grace and the ability to be saved. They believe that if you are following another religion and you have not heard of Jesus then you will still go to heaven as you are trying to find the truth. They still believe, however, that Christianity is the only religion, which is complete truth.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Another Christian view is based on John 14:2. Jesus says, â€Å"In my Father’s house there are many rooms†. Some Christians believe that this means that heaven accepts different religions, so conversion is not needed. They believe that every religion has truth, and all lead to belief in God.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Another view is of pluralism. Hindus follow this view. They believe that all religions are pathways to enlightenment.

Against Anti †Social Activities Essay

Antisocial behaviour: the construction of a crime Now the New Labour government has revealed its ‘respect’ agenda, the problem of ‘antisocial behaviour’ has moved to the forefront of political debate. But what is it? by Stuart Waiton ‘Antisocial: opposed to the principles on which society is constituted.’ (Oxford English Dictionary, 1885). ‘Antisocial: contrary to the laws and customs of society; causing annoyance and disapproval in others: children’s antisocial behaviour.’ (Oxford English Dictionary, 1989). ‘Antisocial behaviour’ is used as a catch-all term to describe anything from noisy neighbours and graffiti to kids hanging out on the street. Indeed, it appears that almost any kind of unpleasant behaviour is now categorised as antisocial, with the behaviour of children and young people most often labelled as such (1). This expresses a growing perception that the ‘laws and customs of society’ are being undermined by rowdy youngsters. Yet the term ‘antisocial behaviour’ was rarely used until the 1990s. Throughout the 1980s a couple of articles a year were printed in the UK discussing antisocial behaviour, whereas in January 2004 alone ther e were over 1,000 such articles (2). Not even the most pessimistic social critic would suggest a parallel increase in problem behaviour. Indeed, in recent years there has been a slight fall in actual vandalism, for example, against a dramatic increase in newspaper mentions of antisocial behaviour (3). When looking at the issue of antisocial behaviour, the starting point for most commentators is to accept that the problem exists and to then work out why people are more antisocial today. The ‘collapse of communities’ is often seen as a key influence in the rise of antisocial behaviour, with young people growing up without positive role models and a framework within which to develop into sociable adults. This idea of the loss of a sense of community – or indeed of ‘society’ – rings true. We are indeed more atomised and individuated today, and there are fewer common bonds that hold people together and give them a ‘social identity’. It is less clear, however, that this necessarily means people are increasingly out of control, antisocial and on the road to criminality. Alternatively you could argue that this fragmentation of communities and of social values has helped foment a ‘culture of fear’ (4) – a culture that elevates what were previously understood as petty problems into socially significant ones. This essay examines the construction of the social problem of antisocial behaviour, by focusing, not on the behaviour of young people, but on the role of the political elite. It may be understandable for a tenants’ association or local councillor to be engaged by the issue of noisy neighbours and rowdy children – but for the prime minister to prioritise this issue as one of his main concerns for the future of the nation seems rather strange. What is it that has put ‘antisocial behaviour’ so high up on the political agenda? Constructing crime as a social problem When introducing laws against antisocial behaviour, curfews, and new crime initiatives, the New Labour government invariably asserts that these are in response to the concerns of the public. While there is undoubtedly a high level of public anxiety about crime and about the various problems and irritations now described as antisocial behaviour, this anxiety is clearly shaped by the concerns of the political elite. It is also worth noting that when the government highlights particular ‘social problems’ as being significant for society, it puts other issues and outlooks on the back burner. The elevation of crime and, more recently, antisocial behaviour, into a political issue has helped both to reinforce the significance given to this kind of behaviour and to frame the way social problems are understood. By defining antisocial behaviour as a major social problem, the political elite has, over the past decade, helped to generate a spiralling preoccupation with the petty behaviour of young people. At no time in history has the issue of crime as a social problem in and of itself been so central to all of the political parties in the UK – and yet, there has been a significant statistical fall in crime itself. The key difference between the moral panics over crime and social disorder in the past and anxiety about crime and disorder today is that this anxiety has now been institutionalised by the political elite. Up until the 1970s the political elite, as distinct from individual politicians and the media, generally challenged or dismissed the panics associated with youth crime and subsequently held in check the effects they had. In opposing certain calls for more laws and regulations on society, more reactionary ways of understanding these problems were often rejected and the insti tutionalisation of measures that help create new norms were equally opposed. For example, while the moral panic that arose in the media around the Mods and Rockers in the 1960s has been widely discussed thanks to Stanley Cohen’s famous study Folk Devils and Moral Panics, first published in 1972 (5), these concerns were marginal to politicians, and never became an organising principle of political life. More recently, however, the political elite has panicked and legislated on the strength of extreme one-off events, like for example the Dunblane shootings in 1996, which resulted in the banning of handguns, or the killing of Victoria Climbie in 2000, which led to legislation requiring schools to organise around child protection. An important consequence of the institutionalisation of anxiety is that in contrast to the intermittent moral panics of the past, panics are now an almost permanent feature of society. And whereas moral panics – particularly before the 1990s – were generated within a traditional conservative moral framework, today i t is the new ‘amoral’ absolute of safety within which they tend to develop. Politicising crime The politicisation of crime can be dated back to the 1970s, with the 1970 Conservative government being the first to identify itself explicitly as the party of law and order. As crime developed as a political issue through the 1970s, however, it was fiercely contested. When Conservatives shouted ‘law and order’, the left would reject the idea that crime was increasing or was a social problem in and of itself, pointing instead to the social problems thought to underlie it. Significant sections of the left, influenced in part by radical criminologists in the USA, challenged the ‘panics’ – as they saw them – promoted by the so-called New Right. They questioned the official statistics on crime, challenging the ‘labelling’ of deviants by ‘agents of social control’, and attacked the moral and political basis of these panics (6). Thus, the idea that crime was a broader ‘social problem’ remained contested. Crime b ecame a political issue at a time when there was an increase in serious political and social conflicts, following the more consensual political framework of the postwar period. Unemployment and strikes increased, as did the number of political demonstrations, and the conflict in Ireland erupted. In contrast to the current concern about crime and antisocial behaviour, which emerged in the 1990s, the New Right under Margaret Thatcher promoted crime as a problem very much within a traditional ideological framework. In 1988, Alan Phipps described the Tory approach to crime like this: ‘Firstly, it became conflated with a number of other issues whose connection was continually reinforced in the public mind – permissiveness, youth cultures, demonstrations, public disorders, black immigration, student unrest, and trade union militancy. Secondly, crime – by now a metaphorical term invoking the decline of social stability and decent values – was presented as only one aspect of a bitter harvest for which Labour’s brand of social democracy and welfarism was responsible.’ (7) As part of a political challenge to Labourism in the 1970s and 80s, Conservative prime minister Margaret Thatcher developed an authoritarian approach to the ‘enemy with in’, which attributed greater political significance to criminality than its effects on victims. Despite an increase in the financial support to the Victim Support schemes in the late 1980s, victims of crime were themselves often used politically, ‘paraded’ by Conservative politicians and by sections of the media as symbols of disorder, not as the central focus of law and order policy or rhetoric itself. Sociologist Joel Best describes a process of typification, whereby an often extreme example of crime is used to define a more general perceived problem (8). The ‘typical’ criminals of the 1970s and 1980s were the violent trade union militant and the young black mugger. Traditional British values and individual freedoms were contrasted to the collectivist, promiscuous values of the ‘enemy within’ (9). Even burglars were understood as being part of the ‘something for nothing society’. Here the ‘criminal’, whether the trade union member, the mugger or the burglar, far from being a victim of circumstance, was an enemy of the state, and, importantly, the damage being done was not primarily to the victim of crime but to the moral values of society as a whole. ‘Social control’ and ‘public order’ were promoted within both a political and moral framework in which the deviant in question was likewise understood to have certain political or moral traits that needed to be confronted. Where the petty criminal acts of children were mentioned, the target was not simply this behaviour itself, nor the impact it had on individuals, but rather the ‘soft liberal’ moral values – held by teachers and social workers – that it was argued were undermining British Victorian values of discipline and hard work. In keeping with this, Thatcher saw the responsibility for cutting crime not simply as that of the government or police, but also of the public, who, it was argued, should take action to defend themselves. Go directly to jail ‘The demand for law and order, which at first sight appears to attempt a restoration of moral standards, actually acknowledges and acquiesces in their collapse. Law and order comes to be seen as the only effective deterrent in a society that no longer knows the difference between right and wrong.’ (Christopher Lasch, Haven in a Heartless World, 1977.) American sociologist Christopher Lasch identified key developments in the USA in the 1970s. In the UK, while an increasing emphasis on law and order reflected a certain weakening of the political elite’s grip on society, crime had been understood in largely ideological and political terms. Thatcher used the issue of crime in the battle against Labourism and welfarism. By the early 1990s, however, things were changing fast. John Major’s desperate and ultimately failed attempt to revitalise the political dynamic of the Conservatives with his ‘Back to Basics’ campaign in 1993 demonstrated the Toriesà ¢â‚¬â„¢ inability to develop a political direction that engaged both the elite and the electorate, and it was at this point that the politics of crime took on a new, less ideological, but even more authoritarian character. The issue of ‘persistent young offenders’ became a political issue and a recognised ‘social problem’ in 1992 and exploded as an issue of concern in 1993. The ‘violent trade union militant’ was now replaced by this ‘persistent young offender’ as the ‘typical’ criminal, and, as then home secretary Michael Howard explained, ‘self-centred†¦young hoodlums’ would ‘no longer be able to use age’ as a way of hiding from the law (10). It is important to note that under Thatcher, despite the ‘most consistent, vitriolic and vindictive affront to justice and welfare’ in general, the criminal justice approach to young people developed under principles that resulted in ‘diversion, decriminalisation and decarceration in policy and practice with children in trouble’ (11). Despite the tough rhetoric with regard to adult crime, the Thatcher administration maintained a pragmatic and even progressive policy towards young offenders. Under John Major this all changed. The enemy within became ‘minors rather than the miners’ (12). With the end of the contestation between right and left, and the resulting decline in the ideological politicisation of crime, the direct control and regulation of the population substantially increased, and between 1993 and 1995 there was a 25 per cent increase in the number of people imprisoned (13). Politically-based authoritarianism was replaced by a more reactive ‘apolitical’ authoritarianism which was directed less at the politics and moral values of the organised labour movement and other enemies within, than at the more psychologically-framed behaviour of individuals. ‘Antisocial behaviour’ now began to be recognised as a significant ‘social problem’ around which new laws and institutional practices could be developed. Following Lasch, it appears that by 1993 law and order had come to be seen as the only effective resource for a political elite that no longer knew the difference between right and wrong. Rather than using the fight against crime in an effort to shape the moral and political outlook of adults in society, the Conservative government increasingly opted simply to lock people up, thus acknowledging and acquiescing in its own political and moral collapse. Cultures of crime As part of the growing preoccupation with the ‘underclass’, the floundering Major government also attacked what he described as a ‘yob culture’. This identification of an alien, criminal culture had developed in the late 1980s, as crime panics began to move away from concerns with the organised working class and shifted on to the behaviour of ‘hooligans’ and ‘lager louts’. The criminalisation of the working class, by the early 1990s, was framed not in political terms, but increasingly as an attack on the imagined ‘cultures’ of alien groups. These aliens were no longer black outsiders or militants, but white, working class, and young, who could be found not on demonstrations but in pubs and estates across the UK. The door was now open for an attack on the personal behaviour and habits of anyone seen to be acting in an ‘antisocial’ manner. The idea of there being alternative ‘cultures’, expressed by conservative thinkers at this time, implied that significant sections of the public were no longer open to civilising influences. However, and somewhat ironically, within criminological theory, this idea of impenetrable cultures had developed from radicals themselves back in the 1970s. Stanley Cohen and the cultural studies groups of the Birmingham Centre had been the first to identify youth cultures and deviant subcultures as specific types of people existing within a ‘different life-world’. At a time of greater political radicalism, these groups were credited with positive ‘difference’. With the decline of radical thought these imagined cultures were rediscovered in the 1990s, but this time were seen as increasingly problematic (14). In reality, the growing preoccupation with ‘cultures’ – for example the discovery of a ‘knife culture’ in 1992 – was a reflection of a loss of belief in politics as a way of understanding and resolving wider social problems. With the loss of ideologically based politics on the right and the left, reflected in the r ise of New Labour, the problem of crime became increasingly understood as a problem of and for individuals. New Labour, New Social Problems ‘What my constituents see as politics has changed out of all recognition during the 20 years or so since I first became their Member of Parliament. From a traditional fare of social security complaints, housing transfers, unfair dismissals, as well as job losses, constituents now more often than not ask what can be done to stop their lives being made a misery by the unacceptable behaviour of some neighbours, or more commonly, their neighbours’ children. The Labour MP Frank Field, in his book Neighbours from Hell: The Politics of Behaviour (2003), explained how politics had become a matter of regulating behaviour. Field neglected to ask himself whether poor housing and a lack of opportunities are no longer problems, or whether his constituents have simply lost faith in politicians’ ability to do anything about them. Similarly, Field ignored the role the Labour Party itself played in reducing politics to questions of noisy neighbours and rowdy youngsters, and the wa y in which New Labour in the 1990s helped to repose ‘traditional’ social concerns around issues of crime and disorder. A more fragmented and atomised public was undoubtedly subject to a ‘culture of fear’, but the role of New Labour was central to the promotion of concerns related to antisocial behaviour. Under Tony Blair, crime became a central issue for the Labour Party, especially after Blair’s celebrated ‘tough on crime, tough on the causes of crime’ speech in 1994. This ended any major political opposition to the recently reposed ‘social problem’ of crime. A key ‘right’ for New Labour now became the ‘right’ to be, and to feel, safe. By 1997 the New Labour manifesto was strikingly confrontational around the issues of crime and antisocial behaviour. As the Guardian newspaper noted in April of that year: ‘There are areas where Neil Kinnock’s manifesto barely ventured. In 1992, crime, for instance, rated five paragraphs and mainly concentrated on improving street lighting. Now law and order rates two pages with the n ow familiar â€Å"zero tolerance† strategies and child curfews fighting for room next to pledges to early legislation for a post-Dunblane ban on all handguns. Such policies seemed unthinkable five years ago. However, in this case, Blair’s â€Å"radicalism† – with its social authoritarian tinge – may play better with the centre rather than the Left.’ Freed from the politics of welfarism and the labour movement, New Labour in the early 1990s reoriented its approach to the politics of crime, not only accepting that crime was a key social problem in and of itself, but also in expanding it to include the non-criminal antisocial behaviour of ‘neighbours from hell’ and ‘antisocial youth’. With the prioritisation of crime and antisocial behaviour came a focus upon the emotional reaction of victims, reflected in the concern with the fear of crime. ‘Tackling the epidemic of crime and disorder’ was now a ‘top priority for Labour in government’ and ‘securing people’s physical security and freeing them from the fear of crime and disorder’ was described as the ‘greatest liberty government c an guarantee’ (15). Liberty was transformed from the active freedom of individuals, to the protection given to them by government and the police. In contrast to the social and economic framework within which crime had been largely understood by the ‘active’ labour movement in the 1980s, New Labour now addressed the problems of crime and disorder with reference to a more passive, disorganised and fragmented public. As the government took a more direct approach to tackling crime in its own terms, so the issue expanded to consume problems that previously had been understood in more political terms. Accordingly, social, economic and political solutions were replaced by attempts to regulate the behaviour of both criminals and antisocial neighbours and children. Imprisonment, antisocial behaviour orders and more intense forms of behaviour management of parents and children increasingly became the political solution offered by New Labour to these problems. Engaged by safety The term ‘community safety’ did not exist until the late 1980s, but has subsequently become a core strategic category around which local authorities and national government have developed community-based policies. Community safety is not about crime as such, but is more broadly about the fear of crime and of petty antisocial acts, especially committed by young people, and thought to undermine communities’ sense of security. Here the loss of ‘community’ that has been generated by such major social shifts as the defeat of the old Labour movement and the weakening of the postwar institutional welfare framework has been reinterpreted as a problem of mischievous children creating fear across society. An important watershed in the organisation of society around the issues of safety was then shadow home secretary Jack Straw’s notorious attack in 1995 on the ‘aggressive begging of winos, addicts and squeegee merchants’ (16). Only a year ea rlier, Straw had accused John Major of ‘climbing into the gutter alongside the unfortunate beggars’ when the prime minister had made seemingly similar comments (17). There was an important difference, however. Major and his chancellor Kenneth Clarke had attacked beggars as dole scroungers – ‘beggars in designer jeans’ who receive benefits and ‘think it is perfectly acceptable to add to their income by begging’. Still understanding crime through the political prism of welfarism, Clarke saw begging as a criminal act that defrauded the benefit system. In his later attack on beggars, Jack Straw redefined the issue. For Straw the problem was not the crime of begging or the political or economic problem of benefit fraud, but the disorderly and intimidating behaviour of the aggressive beggar, which was understood to increase the fear of crime and help to undermine society’s sense of wellbeing (18). Jack Straw believed that the Tories had failed to understand the significance of street disorder as a cause of the fear of crime, the ‘loutish behaviour and incivility’ that made the streets ‘uncomfor table, especially for women and black and Asian people’ (19). The issue for New Labour was not the political question of benefit fraud, but the emotional sense of security of a newly discovered vulnerable public. By the time the election year of 1997 came around the soon to be prime minister, Tony Blair, had elaborated on the typical beggar. This was not a man quietly scrounging money off the public, but the often drunken ‘in your face’ lout who would, ‘push people against a wall and demand money effectively with menace’ (20). No figures for the rise in bullying beggars were given, but Tony Blair noted that he himself sometimes felt frightened when he dropped his children off at King’s Cross in London – a notorious area for ‘winos’, prostitutes and ‘aggressive beggars’. Straw, using a well-worn feminist slogan, demanded that we ‘reclaim the streets’ – streets that had been ‘brutalised’ by beggars and graffiti vandals. The radical creation of victimhood Because much of this rhetoric of intimidation, abuse and the collapse of communities has its origins in the radical school of criminology, Labour politicians felt able to employ it without embarrassment. In the late 1980s, left-wing and feminist criminologists had a significant influence on Labour-run inner-city councils, carrying out victim surveys, and sitting on a number of council boards particularly within the Greater London Council. Developing out of the radical framework of the early 1970s, a number of such criminologists had become disillusioned with the fight for political and social change and, rather than challenging the focus on crime as an expression of class prejudice as they once might have, increasingly identified crime as a major issue, particularly for the poor, women and blacks who were now conceived of as ‘victims’ of crime. Instead of identifying with and engaging its constituency in terms of politics and public matters, the left sought a new relatio nship with the poor and oppressed based on their private fears and their sense of powerlessness. Identifying fear as a major factor in the disaggregation of these communities, the so-called ‘left realists’ noted that it was not only crime but the non-criminal harassment of women and petty antisocial behaviour of young people that was the main cause of this fear among victimised groups (21). The identification of harassed victims of antisocial behaviour rose proportionately with the declining belief in the possibility of radical social change. As the ‘active’ potential of the working class to ‘do’ something about the New Right declined, Jock Young and other realists uncovered the vulnerable ‘done to’ poor. Discussing the shift in Labour councils from radicalism to realism, Young noted that: ‘The recent history of radical criminology in Britain has involved a rising influence of feminist and anti-racist ideas and an encasement of left-wing Labour administrations in the majority of the inner-city Town Halls. An initial ultra -leftism has been tempered and often transformed by a prevalent realism in the wake of the third consecutive defeat of the Labour Party on the national level and severe defeats with regards to â€Å"rate capping† in terms of local politics. The need to encompass issues which had a widespread support among the electorate, rather than indulge in marginal or â€Å"gesture† politics included the attempt to recapture the issue of law and order from the right.’ (22) Indeed, crime and the fear of it became so central to Young’s understanding of the conditions of the working class that, on finding that young men’s fear of crime was low – despite their being the main victims of crime – he argued that they had a false consciousness. Rather than trying to allay women’s fears about the slim chance of serious crime happening to them, Young asked whether it ‘would not be more advisable to attempt to raise the fear of crime of young men rather than to lower that of other parts of the public?’. For the first time, it was safety that began to frame the relationship between the local authority and the public, expressing a shift from a social welfare model of that relationship to one of protection. The significance of the left realists and feminists at this time is that they were the first people systematically to redefine large sections of the working class as ‘victims’, and thus helped to reorient Labour local authorities towards a relationship of protection to the public at the expense of the newly targeted antisocial youth. It is this sense of the public as fundamentally vulnerable, coupled with the disengagement of the Labour Party from its once active constituency within the working class and the subsequent sense of society being out of control, that has informed the development of New Labour’s antisocial behaviour initiatives. Issues related to inner-city menace, crime and what was now labelled antisocial behaviour, which had been identified as social problems by conservative thinkers periodically for over a century, now engaged the Labour Party. Increasingly for New Labour, having abandoned extensive socioeconomic intervention, the problem of the disaggregation of communities and the subsequent culture of fear that grew out of the 1980s was identified as a problem of crime, disorder and more particularly the antisocial behaviour of young people. The Hamilton Curfew and the politics of fear The development of the politics of antisocial behaviour was accelerated in 1997 when the first ‘curfew’ in the UK was set up in a number of housing estates in Hamilton in the west of Scotland. Introduced by a Labour council, this was a multi-agency initiative involving the notoriously ‘zero tolerance’ Strathclyde Police and the council’s social work department. The curfew that followed was officially called the Child Safety Initiative. This community safety approach reflected a number of the trends identified above. Rather than tackling crime as such, the initiative was supposed to tackle the broader, non-criminal problem of antisocial behaviour, in order to keep the community free from crime and also, significantly, free from the fear of crime (23). The rights of people in the community promoted by this initiative were not understood in terms of a libertarian notion of individual freedoms, nor within a welfarist conception of the right to jobs and se rvices. Rather it was ‘the right to be safe’ and the ‘right to a quiet life’ that Labour councillors promoted. Without a collective framework within which to address social problems, and concomitantly without a more robust sense of the active individual, a relationship of protection was posited between the local authority and the communities in question. Talk of ‘rights and responsibilities’ implied the right of vulnerable individuals to be and feel safe, not by being active in their own community but rather by either keeping their children off the streets, or by phoning the police whenever they felt insecure. Advocates of the Child Safety Initiative identified all sections of the community as being at risk – children were at risk simply by being unsupervised; adults were at risk from teenagers who hung about the streets; and young people were at risk from their peers, who could, by involving one another in drink, drugs and crime, ‘set patterns’ for the rest of their lives, as the head of the social work department argued. Even those teenagers involved in anti social and criminal activities were understood as an ‘at risk’ group – the ‘juvenile delinquents’ of the past were thus recast as ‘vulnerable teenagers’ who needed protection from each other. The centrality of the concern with victims of crime, which has developed since the Hamilton curfew was first introduced, is reflected within the curfew itself. In effect all sections of the public were understood to be either victims or vulnerable, potential victims of their neighbours and of local young people. The legitimacy of the police and the local authority was based not on a wider ideological, political or moral platform, but simply on their ability to protect these victims. The politics of antisocial behaviour lacks any clear ideological or moral framework, and therefore it has no obvious constituency. In fact, the basis of the Child Safety Initiative was the weakness of community. Rather than being derived from a politically engaged public, the authority of the council and the police was assumed, or ‘borrowed’, from that public in the guise of individual victims. Accordingly, the police in Hamilton constantly felt under pressure to show that the potential victi ms they were protecting – especially the young people who were subject to the curfew – supported what they were doing. Of course, nobody has a monopoly on borrowed authority. A number of children’s charities similarly took it upon themselves to speak for the children, arguing that the curfew infringed their ‘rights’ and coming up with alternative surveys showing that young people opposed the use of curfews. There was little effort to make a substantial political case against the curfew, however. In fact, ‘child-friendly’ groups and individuals tended to endorse the presentation of young people and children as fundamentally vulnerable potential victims, and some opposed the curfew only on the basis that children would be forced back into the home where they were even more likely to be abused. Just as Blair was put on the defensive over his attack on aggressive begging by charities campaigning for the rights of the victimised homeless, so the curfew exposed the authorities to charges of ‘harassing’ or ‘bullying’ young people. Since the curfew w as justified precisely on the basis of protecting young people from these things, the charge was all the more damaging. This was more than a tricky PR issue: it demonstrated a fundamental problem with the politics of antisocial behaviour. In presenting the public as vulnerable and in need of protection, the state transformed the basis of its own authority from democratic representation to a more precarious quasi-paternalism; in effect it became a victim protection agency. The very social atomisation and lack of political cohesion that underlies the politics of antisocial behaviour means that the authority of the state is constantly in question, despite the fact that its assumptions about the vulnerability of the public are widely shared. As such, the Hamilton curfew gave concrete expression to the attempt to re-engage a fragmented public around the issue of safety, and the difficulties this throws up. Criminalising mischief In contrast to the pragmatic approach of past political elites to the issue of crime and occasional panics about delinquent youth, the current elite has come to see crime, the fear of crime and antisocial behaviour as major ‘social problems’. With the emergence of New Labour in the 1990s any major political opposition to the issue of crime as a key social problem has disappeared and its centrality to political debate and public discourse was established. Under New Labour, however, the concerns being addressed and the ‘social problems’ being defined are less to do with crime and criminals than with annoying children and noisy neighbours. These petty irritations of everyday life have been relabelled ‘antisocial behaviour’, something which is understood to be undermining both individuals’ and society’s sense of well being. At its most ridiculous extreme what we are witnessing is the criminalisation of mischief (24). Basil Curley, Manc hester council’s housing executive, told the Guardian: ‘Yes, we used to bang on doors when we were young. But there used to be badger-baiting once, too. It’s different now, isn’t it? Things are moving on; people want to live differently.’ (25) This casual comparison of children playing ‘knocky door neighbour’ with the brutality of badger-baiting tells us nothing about young people, but indicates that what has changed is the adult world with an inflated sense of vulnerability driving all antisocial behaviour initiatives. For New Labour the problem of the disaggregation of communities and the subsequent culture of fear that grew out of the 1980s was located within politics as a problem of crime and disorder. Devoid of a sense of social progress, in the 1990s it was the political elites – both right and left – who became the driving force for reinterpreting social problems within a framework of community safety. Lacking any coherent political direction, the government has both reacted to and reinforced panics about crime and disorder, institutionalising practices and initiatives based upon society’s sense of fear and anxiety. In an attempt both to regulate society and to reengage the public, over the past eight years New Labour has subsequently encouraged communities to participate in and organise around a raft of safety initiatives. Despite the fall in the official crime statistics society’s sense of insecurity has remained endemic and no ‘sense of community’ has been re-established, much to the government’s frustration. However, rather than recognising that constructing a society around the issue of safety has only helped to further the public’s sense of insecurity, New Labour is becoming ever more reactive and developing more and more policies to regulate a growing range of ‘antisocial’ activities and forms of behaviour. By thrashing around for solutions to the ‘politics of behaviour’ in this way, the government is helping to fuel the spiral of fear and alienation across society. Rather than validating the more robust active side of our character, validation is given to the most passive self-doubting aspects of our personality. Communities and a society that is more at ease with itself would expect men and women of character to resolve problems of everyday life themselves, and would equally condemn those who constantly deferred to the authorities as being antisocial. Today, however, we are all being encouraged to act in an antisocial manner and demand antisocial behaviour orders on our neighbours and their children. Rather than looking someone in the eye and resolving the incivilities we often face, we can increasingly rely on the CCTV cameras to do this, or alternatively look to the community wardens, the neighbourhood police and the antisocial task force to resolve these problems for us. We are told to act responsibly, but are expected to call on others to be responsible for dealing with noisy neighbours or rowdy children. As this approach develops a new public mood is being created, a mood based on the notion of ‘safety first’ where an increasing number of people and problems become the concern of the police and local authorities. This weakened sense of individuals is a reflection of the political elite itself, which lacks the moral force and political direction that could help develop a sense of community. Ultimately, it is the crisis of politics that is the basis for the preoccupation with curtain-twitching issues – the product of an antisocial elite, which is ultimately creating a society in its own image.

The Man Called Mandela and His Legacy - 626 Words

One day,in the far and racialist country, a black man came and changed the country’s destiny. He was Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela and he was born in 18th July 1918,in South Africa. He was the symbol of human rights and most popular prisoner after the Gandhi.His protests changed an age in the South Africa,but when we look at the background of this story; we see incredible simple,usual beginnig.He was born just like a black member of Thembu clan;and in this years, South Africa was a nightmare for black people because of racialism.Government supported differentiation towards to black people and Africans was having atrocity in their country.They didn’t have their lawyers,presidents or anybody for defencing their rights.All country was managing from white’s; all country againsted to them.And nobody thought that, a baby would change that. In the 1937, Nelson Mandela was a order person like others.He moved to Healdtown for his education in Fort Beaufort College. But,unlike from others he forcible transfered because of he attended to political cases.After that,he went to Witwaterstrand University and he graduated from law department in 1942.He was the first black lawyer in the country.This was a great stepping stone for black people’s rights; because in state of play government looked at them like chattel or wage earner.They couldn’t be lawyer,management,doctor or another education career.Therefore they couldn’t defence their rights against to government.But one personShow MoreRelatedQualities Of Nelson Mandela1064 Words   |  5 PagesSouth African civil rights leader was born. Nelson Mandela was born into a royal tribe family and grew up under white control. However, Mandela never saw himself as the inferior race and in fact saw himself as an equal to the whites. This led him to become one of the best civil rights leader in the time of apartheid, but because he stuck up for what he believed, he was put in jail for 27 years. After spending the majority of his life in jail when Mandela got out, he became South Africa’s first black presidentRead MoreNelson Mandela s Influence On Human Rights945 Words   |  4 PagesNelson Mandela is a world renowned activist that was imprisoned for twenty seven years in a South African prison, because of a system of racism known as â€Å"apartheid† which discriminated against blacks living in South Africa at the time. Since his release from prison, apartheid has since been abolished in South Africa and he was elected President of that country. Nelson Mandela had a positive impact on human rights by standing up against racism in his country as well as many others around the worldRead MoreHow the Apartheid Came to Be in South Africa1184 Words   |  5 Pagesfrom non-whites, but it also set apart the Blacks from the Coloreds. When apartheid ended in 1994 a legacy was left behind. Crime and violence became replacements for the road to wealth. Seg regation never completely disappeared and black children/teens were also not receiving enough education. Families became split due to apartheid and the loss of parents from AIDS. Lastly Nelson Mandela has also made a huge impact on South Africa. Although many negative events occurred after apartheid, improvementsRead MoreNelson Mandelas Life Essay899 Words   |  4 Pagestwo choices: submit or fight† (â€Å"Nelson Mandela†). Nelson Mandela took the chance and fought for his rights and freedom. Mandela has gone through many troubles in his life since the day he was born. A young man that had no shoes till he approached the age of sixteen, and then transformed into a great political leader of his country. Mandela’s life is an impressing story to be told! Born on July 18, 1918, Nelson Mandela grew up like many other children in his tribe. He was born in Mvezo, South AfricaRead MoreLeadership and Nelson Mandela Essay1452 Words   |  6 PagesNelson Mandela seems to be like a replica of the American political leader Martin Luther King who fought for the end of racial segregation. As quoted by Mandela, â€Å"I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and with equal opportunities.† He was a transformational leader who uncompromising for rights he fought for in his country South Africa. I believe thatRead MoreThe Apartheid Of South Africa1608 Words   |  7 PagesAfrican government. One freedom fighter stood out amongst the rest: Nelson Mandela, an anti-apartheid revolutionary, who would stand with others at the forefront of the nonwhites’ fight for their rights. Presently, Mande la is regarded as an international hero in the struggle for black liberation who dedicated his life to the abolition of racial oppression in South Africa and to correcting the injustices of the apartheid, using his political power and moral authority over the people. Despite the controversyRead MoreThe Importance Of The Civil Rights Movement1692 Words   |  7 Pagesrise to importance during the Civil Rights era, including Martin Luther King Jr., Sojourner Truth and Nelson Mandela. They all risked and lost their lives in the name of freedom and equality between human races. These significant civil rights leaders changed the route of history through their activism. Also, each of them stood up for everyone to have their rights they deserve and their legacy will always shine bright in the U.S. history. African Americans had a history of struggles because of racismRead MoreNelson Mandela s Legacy Of The Black People Of South Africa1567 Words   |  7 PagesNelson Mandela was a leader in every aspect for the black people of South Africa from the minute he was born to the minute he died. While Nelson Mandela was on trial for sabotage, [a crime that he did not actually commit] he said these words that defined his legacy until the day that he died, â€Å"During my lifetime I have dedicated myself to this struggle of the African people. I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democraticRead More Black Nationalism And The Revolution In Music Essay1045 Words   |  5 Pagessociety in terms of their courage, beliefs and faith to accomplish what they have done in the fields of politics and music. They have been affective in the field of politics by having leaders such as Dr. Martin Luther king Jr., Malcolm x and Nelson Mandela lead them to a civil right society where everyone was treated equally. And they have also been part of the revolution of music in terms of how many categories they have invented and taken over. In the field of politics, their leaders led their communityRead MoreThe Legacy Of Nelson Mandela1377 Words   |  6 Pagesworld that have excelled in leaving their legacy and charisma behind. Their lives are historical and always inspirational to the succeeding generations. Nelson Mandela is among these few charismatic leaders, who spent his entire life for his unquenchable thirst for freedom and human rights. His life was a consistent battle; battle against inequality, racism, peace and democracy. His perseverance and indomitable spirit helped him to attain his goal and his noble mission of spreading equality and establishing