?It is wrong to try and convert people to your religion.? :: essays research papers

There are many different views to this statement within the Christian faith.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The Christian church believes in religious freedom, but they believe that Christianity is the only religion with complete truth, whereas the other religions only contain some truth.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  One view is of exclusivism. This is the â€Å"old† accepted way. To be â€Å"saved† people must hear and respond to the Christian message. It is the duty of Christians to convert people in order to save them. In Matthew it is said, â€Å"Go make disciples of all nations†. This is a direct instruction for people to go and convert people to Christianity. They believe that the Bible is the word of God, and you can only reach salvation by following Jesus. Jesus said in John 14:6, â€Å" I am the way to truth and the life. No-one comes to the Father except through me†. This shows that you must follow Jesus’ teachings to get to heaven, and by converting people they are helping them get to heaven. An example of this is with Jahovah’s Witnesses. They believe that it is their duty to save people. They believe that they should spread the word to those who have not heard of the religion, so they have a chance to follow it. They do th is by going from house to house to try and find these people and talk to them about God.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Another view is of inclusivism. This is the more modern view for Christians. They believe that everybody is born with Gods grace and the ability to be saved. They believe that if you are following another religion and you have not heard of Jesus then you will still go to heaven as you are trying to find the truth. They still believe, however, that Christianity is the only religion, which is complete truth.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Another Christian view is based on John 14:2. Jesus says, â€Å"In my Father’s house there are many rooms†. Some Christians believe that this means that heaven accepts different religions, so conversion is not needed. They believe that every religion has truth, and all lead to belief in God.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Another view is of pluralism. Hindus follow this view. They believe that all religions are pathways to enlightenment.

Against Anti †Social Activities Essay

Antisocial behaviour: the construction of a crime Now the New Labour government has revealed its ‘respect’ agenda, the problem of ‘antisocial behaviour’ has moved to the forefront of political debate. But what is it? by Stuart Waiton ‘Antisocial: opposed to the principles on which society is constituted.’ (Oxford English Dictionary, 1885). ‘Antisocial: contrary to the laws and customs of society; causing annoyance and disapproval in others: children’s antisocial behaviour.’ (Oxford English Dictionary, 1989). ‘Antisocial behaviour’ is used as a catch-all term to describe anything from noisy neighbours and graffiti to kids hanging out on the street. Indeed, it appears that almost any kind of unpleasant behaviour is now categorised as antisocial, with the behaviour of children and young people most often labelled as such (1). This expresses a growing perception that the ‘laws and customs of society’ are being undermined by rowdy youngsters. Yet the term ‘antisocial behaviour’ was rarely used until the 1990s. Throughout the 1980s a couple of articles a year were printed in the UK discussing antisocial behaviour, whereas in January 2004 alone ther e were over 1,000 such articles (2). Not even the most pessimistic social critic would suggest a parallel increase in problem behaviour. Indeed, in recent years there has been a slight fall in actual vandalism, for example, against a dramatic increase in newspaper mentions of antisocial behaviour (3). When looking at the issue of antisocial behaviour, the starting point for most commentators is to accept that the problem exists and to then work out why people are more antisocial today. The ‘collapse of communities’ is often seen as a key influence in the rise of antisocial behaviour, with young people growing up without positive role models and a framework within which to develop into sociable adults. This idea of the loss of a sense of community – or indeed of ‘society’ – rings true. We are indeed more atomised and individuated today, and there are fewer common bonds that hold people together and give them a ‘social identity’. It is less clear, however, that this necessarily means people are increasingly out of control, antisocial and on the road to criminality. Alternatively you could argue that this fragmentation of communities and of social values has helped foment a ‘culture of fear’ (4) – a culture that elevates what were previously understood as petty problems into socially significant ones. This essay examines the construction of the social problem of antisocial behaviour, by focusing, not on the behaviour of young people, but on the role of the political elite. It may be understandable for a tenants’ association or local councillor to be engaged by the issue of noisy neighbours and rowdy children – but for the prime minister to prioritise this issue as one of his main concerns for the future of the nation seems rather strange. What is it that has put ‘antisocial behaviour’ so high up on the political agenda? Constructing crime as a social problem When introducing laws against antisocial behaviour, curfews, and new crime initiatives, the New Labour government invariably asserts that these are in response to the concerns of the public. While there is undoubtedly a high level of public anxiety about crime and about the various problems and irritations now described as antisocial behaviour, this anxiety is clearly shaped by the concerns of the political elite. It is also worth noting that when the government highlights particular ‘social problems’ as being significant for society, it puts other issues and outlooks on the back burner. The elevation of crime and, more recently, antisocial behaviour, into a political issue has helped both to reinforce the significance given to this kind of behaviour and to frame the way social problems are understood. By defining antisocial behaviour as a major social problem, the political elite has, over the past decade, helped to generate a spiralling preoccupation with the petty behaviour of young people. At no time in history has the issue of crime as a social problem in and of itself been so central to all of the political parties in the UK – and yet, there has been a significant statistical fall in crime itself. The key difference between the moral panics over crime and social disorder in the past and anxiety about crime and disorder today is that this anxiety has now been institutionalised by the political elite. Up until the 1970s the political elite, as distinct from individual politicians and the media, generally challenged or dismissed the panics associated with youth crime and subsequently held in check the effects they had. In opposing certain calls for more laws and regulations on society, more reactionary ways of understanding these problems were often rejected and the insti tutionalisation of measures that help create new norms were equally opposed. For example, while the moral panic that arose in the media around the Mods and Rockers in the 1960s has been widely discussed thanks to Stanley Cohen’s famous study Folk Devils and Moral Panics, first published in 1972 (5), these concerns were marginal to politicians, and never became an organising principle of political life. More recently, however, the political elite has panicked and legislated on the strength of extreme one-off events, like for example the Dunblane shootings in 1996, which resulted in the banning of handguns, or the killing of Victoria Climbie in 2000, which led to legislation requiring schools to organise around child protection. An important consequence of the institutionalisation of anxiety is that in contrast to the intermittent moral panics of the past, panics are now an almost permanent feature of society. And whereas moral panics – particularly before the 1990s – were generated within a traditional conservative moral framework, today i t is the new ‘amoral’ absolute of safety within which they tend to develop. Politicising crime The politicisation of crime can be dated back to the 1970s, with the 1970 Conservative government being the first to identify itself explicitly as the party of law and order. As crime developed as a political issue through the 1970s, however, it was fiercely contested. When Conservatives shouted ‘law and order’, the left would reject the idea that crime was increasing or was a social problem in and of itself, pointing instead to the social problems thought to underlie it. Significant sections of the left, influenced in part by radical criminologists in the USA, challenged the ‘panics’ – as they saw them – promoted by the so-called New Right. They questioned the official statistics on crime, challenging the ‘labelling’ of deviants by ‘agents of social control’, and attacked the moral and political basis of these panics (6). Thus, the idea that crime was a broader ‘social problem’ remained contested. Crime b ecame a political issue at a time when there was an increase in serious political and social conflicts, following the more consensual political framework of the postwar period. Unemployment and strikes increased, as did the number of political demonstrations, and the conflict in Ireland erupted. In contrast to the current concern about crime and antisocial behaviour, which emerged in the 1990s, the New Right under Margaret Thatcher promoted crime as a problem very much within a traditional ideological framework. In 1988, Alan Phipps described the Tory approach to crime like this: ‘Firstly, it became conflated with a number of other issues whose connection was continually reinforced in the public mind – permissiveness, youth cultures, demonstrations, public disorders, black immigration, student unrest, and trade union militancy. Secondly, crime – by now a metaphorical term invoking the decline of social stability and decent values – was presented as only one aspect of a bitter harvest for which Labour’s brand of social democracy and welfarism was responsible.’ (7) As part of a political challenge to Labourism in the 1970s and 80s, Conservative prime minister Margaret Thatcher developed an authoritarian approach to the ‘enemy with in’, which attributed greater political significance to criminality than its effects on victims. Despite an increase in the financial support to the Victim Support schemes in the late 1980s, victims of crime were themselves often used politically, ‘paraded’ by Conservative politicians and by sections of the media as symbols of disorder, not as the central focus of law and order policy or rhetoric itself. Sociologist Joel Best describes a process of typification, whereby an often extreme example of crime is used to define a more general perceived problem (8). The ‘typical’ criminals of the 1970s and 1980s were the violent trade union militant and the young black mugger. Traditional British values and individual freedoms were contrasted to the collectivist, promiscuous values of the ‘enemy within’ (9). Even burglars were understood as being part of the ‘something for nothing society’. Here the ‘criminal’, whether the trade union member, the mugger or the burglar, far from being a victim of circumstance, was an enemy of the state, and, importantly, the damage being done was not primarily to the victim of crime but to the moral values of society as a whole. ‘Social control’ and ‘public order’ were promoted within both a political and moral framework in which the deviant in question was likewise understood to have certain political or moral traits that needed to be confronted. Where the petty criminal acts of children were mentioned, the target was not simply this behaviour itself, nor the impact it had on individuals, but rather the ‘soft liberal’ moral values – held by teachers and social workers – that it was argued were undermining British Victorian values of discipline and hard work. In keeping with this, Thatcher saw the responsibility for cutting crime not simply as that of the government or police, but also of the public, who, it was argued, should take action to defend themselves. Go directly to jail ‘The demand for law and order, which at first sight appears to attempt a restoration of moral standards, actually acknowledges and acquiesces in their collapse. Law and order comes to be seen as the only effective deterrent in a society that no longer knows the difference between right and wrong.’ (Christopher Lasch, Haven in a Heartless World, 1977.) American sociologist Christopher Lasch identified key developments in the USA in the 1970s. In the UK, while an increasing emphasis on law and order reflected a certain weakening of the political elite’s grip on society, crime had been understood in largely ideological and political terms. Thatcher used the issue of crime in the battle against Labourism and welfarism. By the early 1990s, however, things were changing fast. John Major’s desperate and ultimately failed attempt to revitalise the political dynamic of the Conservatives with his ‘Back to Basics’ campaign in 1993 demonstrated the Toriesà ¢â‚¬â„¢ inability to develop a political direction that engaged both the elite and the electorate, and it was at this point that the politics of crime took on a new, less ideological, but even more authoritarian character. The issue of ‘persistent young offenders’ became a political issue and a recognised ‘social problem’ in 1992 and exploded as an issue of concern in 1993. The ‘violent trade union militant’ was now replaced by this ‘persistent young offender’ as the ‘typical’ criminal, and, as then home secretary Michael Howard explained, ‘self-centred†¦young hoodlums’ would ‘no longer be able to use age’ as a way of hiding from the law (10). It is important to note that under Thatcher, despite the ‘most consistent, vitriolic and vindictive affront to justice and welfare’ in general, the criminal justice approach to young people developed under principles that resulted in ‘diversion, decriminalisation and decarceration in policy and practice with children in trouble’ (11). Despite the tough rhetoric with regard to adult crime, the Thatcher administration maintained a pragmatic and even progressive policy towards young offenders. Under John Major this all changed. The enemy within became ‘minors rather than the miners’ (12). With the end of the contestation between right and left, and the resulting decline in the ideological politicisation of crime, the direct control and regulation of the population substantially increased, and between 1993 and 1995 there was a 25 per cent increase in the number of people imprisoned (13). Politically-based authoritarianism was replaced by a more reactive ‘apolitical’ authoritarianism which was directed less at the politics and moral values of the organised labour movement and other enemies within, than at the more psychologically-framed behaviour of individuals. ‘Antisocial behaviour’ now began to be recognised as a significant ‘social problem’ around which new laws and institutional practices could be developed. Following Lasch, it appears that by 1993 law and order had come to be seen as the only effective resource for a political elite that no longer knew the difference between right and wrong. Rather than using the fight against crime in an effort to shape the moral and political outlook of adults in society, the Conservative government increasingly opted simply to lock people up, thus acknowledging and acquiescing in its own political and moral collapse. Cultures of crime As part of the growing preoccupation with the ‘underclass’, the floundering Major government also attacked what he described as a ‘yob culture’. This identification of an alien, criminal culture had developed in the late 1980s, as crime panics began to move away from concerns with the organised working class and shifted on to the behaviour of ‘hooligans’ and ‘lager louts’. The criminalisation of the working class, by the early 1990s, was framed not in political terms, but increasingly as an attack on the imagined ‘cultures’ of alien groups. These aliens were no longer black outsiders or militants, but white, working class, and young, who could be found not on demonstrations but in pubs and estates across the UK. The door was now open for an attack on the personal behaviour and habits of anyone seen to be acting in an ‘antisocial’ manner. The idea of there being alternative ‘cultures’, expressed by conservative thinkers at this time, implied that significant sections of the public were no longer open to civilising influences. However, and somewhat ironically, within criminological theory, this idea of impenetrable cultures had developed from radicals themselves back in the 1970s. Stanley Cohen and the cultural studies groups of the Birmingham Centre had been the first to identify youth cultures and deviant subcultures as specific types of people existing within a ‘different life-world’. At a time of greater political radicalism, these groups were credited with positive ‘difference’. With the decline of radical thought these imagined cultures were rediscovered in the 1990s, but this time were seen as increasingly problematic (14). In reality, the growing preoccupation with ‘cultures’ – for example the discovery of a ‘knife culture’ in 1992 – was a reflection of a loss of belief in politics as a way of understanding and resolving wider social problems. With the loss of ideologically based politics on the right and the left, reflected in the r ise of New Labour, the problem of crime became increasingly understood as a problem of and for individuals. New Labour, New Social Problems ‘What my constituents see as politics has changed out of all recognition during the 20 years or so since I first became their Member of Parliament. From a traditional fare of social security complaints, housing transfers, unfair dismissals, as well as job losses, constituents now more often than not ask what can be done to stop their lives being made a misery by the unacceptable behaviour of some neighbours, or more commonly, their neighbours’ children. The Labour MP Frank Field, in his book Neighbours from Hell: The Politics of Behaviour (2003), explained how politics had become a matter of regulating behaviour. Field neglected to ask himself whether poor housing and a lack of opportunities are no longer problems, or whether his constituents have simply lost faith in politicians’ ability to do anything about them. Similarly, Field ignored the role the Labour Party itself played in reducing politics to questions of noisy neighbours and rowdy youngsters, and the wa y in which New Labour in the 1990s helped to repose ‘traditional’ social concerns around issues of crime and disorder. A more fragmented and atomised public was undoubtedly subject to a ‘culture of fear’, but the role of New Labour was central to the promotion of concerns related to antisocial behaviour. Under Tony Blair, crime became a central issue for the Labour Party, especially after Blair’s celebrated ‘tough on crime, tough on the causes of crime’ speech in 1994. This ended any major political opposition to the recently reposed ‘social problem’ of crime. A key ‘right’ for New Labour now became the ‘right’ to be, and to feel, safe. By 1997 the New Labour manifesto was strikingly confrontational around the issues of crime and antisocial behaviour. As the Guardian newspaper noted in April of that year: ‘There are areas where Neil Kinnock’s manifesto barely ventured. In 1992, crime, for instance, rated five paragraphs and mainly concentrated on improving street lighting. Now law and order rates two pages with the n ow familiar â€Å"zero tolerance† strategies and child curfews fighting for room next to pledges to early legislation for a post-Dunblane ban on all handguns. Such policies seemed unthinkable five years ago. However, in this case, Blair’s â€Å"radicalism† – with its social authoritarian tinge – may play better with the centre rather than the Left.’ Freed from the politics of welfarism and the labour movement, New Labour in the early 1990s reoriented its approach to the politics of crime, not only accepting that crime was a key social problem in and of itself, but also in expanding it to include the non-criminal antisocial behaviour of ‘neighbours from hell’ and ‘antisocial youth’. With the prioritisation of crime and antisocial behaviour came a focus upon the emotional reaction of victims, reflected in the concern with the fear of crime. ‘Tackling the epidemic of crime and disorder’ was now a ‘top priority for Labour in government’ and ‘securing people’s physical security and freeing them from the fear of crime and disorder’ was described as the ‘greatest liberty government c an guarantee’ (15). Liberty was transformed from the active freedom of individuals, to the protection given to them by government and the police. In contrast to the social and economic framework within which crime had been largely understood by the ‘active’ labour movement in the 1980s, New Labour now addressed the problems of crime and disorder with reference to a more passive, disorganised and fragmented public. As the government took a more direct approach to tackling crime in its own terms, so the issue expanded to consume problems that previously had been understood in more political terms. Accordingly, social, economic and political solutions were replaced by attempts to regulate the behaviour of both criminals and antisocial neighbours and children. Imprisonment, antisocial behaviour orders and more intense forms of behaviour management of parents and children increasingly became the political solution offered by New Labour to these problems. Engaged by safety The term ‘community safety’ did not exist until the late 1980s, but has subsequently become a core strategic category around which local authorities and national government have developed community-based policies. Community safety is not about crime as such, but is more broadly about the fear of crime and of petty antisocial acts, especially committed by young people, and thought to undermine communities’ sense of security. Here the loss of ‘community’ that has been generated by such major social shifts as the defeat of the old Labour movement and the weakening of the postwar institutional welfare framework has been reinterpreted as a problem of mischievous children creating fear across society. An important watershed in the organisation of society around the issues of safety was then shadow home secretary Jack Straw’s notorious attack in 1995 on the ‘aggressive begging of winos, addicts and squeegee merchants’ (16). Only a year ea rlier, Straw had accused John Major of ‘climbing into the gutter alongside the unfortunate beggars’ when the prime minister had made seemingly similar comments (17). There was an important difference, however. Major and his chancellor Kenneth Clarke had attacked beggars as dole scroungers – ‘beggars in designer jeans’ who receive benefits and ‘think it is perfectly acceptable to add to their income by begging’. Still understanding crime through the political prism of welfarism, Clarke saw begging as a criminal act that defrauded the benefit system. In his later attack on beggars, Jack Straw redefined the issue. For Straw the problem was not the crime of begging or the political or economic problem of benefit fraud, but the disorderly and intimidating behaviour of the aggressive beggar, which was understood to increase the fear of crime and help to undermine society’s sense of wellbeing (18). Jack Straw believed that the Tories had failed to understand the significance of street disorder as a cause of the fear of crime, the ‘loutish behaviour and incivility’ that made the streets ‘uncomfor table, especially for women and black and Asian people’ (19). The issue for New Labour was not the political question of benefit fraud, but the emotional sense of security of a newly discovered vulnerable public. By the time the election year of 1997 came around the soon to be prime minister, Tony Blair, had elaborated on the typical beggar. This was not a man quietly scrounging money off the public, but the often drunken ‘in your face’ lout who would, ‘push people against a wall and demand money effectively with menace’ (20). No figures for the rise in bullying beggars were given, but Tony Blair noted that he himself sometimes felt frightened when he dropped his children off at King’s Cross in London – a notorious area for ‘winos’, prostitutes and ‘aggressive beggars’. Straw, using a well-worn feminist slogan, demanded that we ‘reclaim the streets’ – streets that had been ‘brutalised’ by beggars and graffiti vandals. The radical creation of victimhood Because much of this rhetoric of intimidation, abuse and the collapse of communities has its origins in the radical school of criminology, Labour politicians felt able to employ it without embarrassment. In the late 1980s, left-wing and feminist criminologists had a significant influence on Labour-run inner-city councils, carrying out victim surveys, and sitting on a number of council boards particularly within the Greater London Council. Developing out of the radical framework of the early 1970s, a number of such criminologists had become disillusioned with the fight for political and social change and, rather than challenging the focus on crime as an expression of class prejudice as they once might have, increasingly identified crime as a major issue, particularly for the poor, women and blacks who were now conceived of as ‘victims’ of crime. Instead of identifying with and engaging its constituency in terms of politics and public matters, the left sought a new relatio nship with the poor and oppressed based on their private fears and their sense of powerlessness. Identifying fear as a major factor in the disaggregation of these communities, the so-called ‘left realists’ noted that it was not only crime but the non-criminal harassment of women and petty antisocial behaviour of young people that was the main cause of this fear among victimised groups (21). The identification of harassed victims of antisocial behaviour rose proportionately with the declining belief in the possibility of radical social change. As the ‘active’ potential of the working class to ‘do’ something about the New Right declined, Jock Young and other realists uncovered the vulnerable ‘done to’ poor. Discussing the shift in Labour councils from radicalism to realism, Young noted that: ‘The recent history of radical criminology in Britain has involved a rising influence of feminist and anti-racist ideas and an encasement of left-wing Labour administrations in the majority of the inner-city Town Halls. An initial ultra -leftism has been tempered and often transformed by a prevalent realism in the wake of the third consecutive defeat of the Labour Party on the national level and severe defeats with regards to â€Å"rate capping† in terms of local politics. The need to encompass issues which had a widespread support among the electorate, rather than indulge in marginal or â€Å"gesture† politics included the attempt to recapture the issue of law and order from the right.’ (22) Indeed, crime and the fear of it became so central to Young’s understanding of the conditions of the working class that, on finding that young men’s fear of crime was low – despite their being the main victims of crime – he argued that they had a false consciousness. Rather than trying to allay women’s fears about the slim chance of serious crime happening to them, Young asked whether it ‘would not be more advisable to attempt to raise the fear of crime of young men rather than to lower that of other parts of the public?’. For the first time, it was safety that began to frame the relationship between the local authority and the public, expressing a shift from a social welfare model of that relationship to one of protection. The significance of the left realists and feminists at this time is that they were the first people systematically to redefine large sections of the working class as ‘victims’, and thus helped to reorient Labour local authorities towards a relationship of protection to the public at the expense of the newly targeted antisocial youth. It is this sense of the public as fundamentally vulnerable, coupled with the disengagement of the Labour Party from its once active constituency within the working class and the subsequent sense of society being out of control, that has informed the development of New Labour’s antisocial behaviour initiatives. Issues related to inner-city menace, crime and what was now labelled antisocial behaviour, which had been identified as social problems by conservative thinkers periodically for over a century, now engaged the Labour Party. Increasingly for New Labour, having abandoned extensive socioeconomic intervention, the problem of the disaggregation of communities and the subsequent culture of fear that grew out of the 1980s was identified as a problem of crime, disorder and more particularly the antisocial behaviour of young people. The Hamilton Curfew and the politics of fear The development of the politics of antisocial behaviour was accelerated in 1997 when the first ‘curfew’ in the UK was set up in a number of housing estates in Hamilton in the west of Scotland. Introduced by a Labour council, this was a multi-agency initiative involving the notoriously ‘zero tolerance’ Strathclyde Police and the council’s social work department. The curfew that followed was officially called the Child Safety Initiative. This community safety approach reflected a number of the trends identified above. Rather than tackling crime as such, the initiative was supposed to tackle the broader, non-criminal problem of antisocial behaviour, in order to keep the community free from crime and also, significantly, free from the fear of crime (23). The rights of people in the community promoted by this initiative were not understood in terms of a libertarian notion of individual freedoms, nor within a welfarist conception of the right to jobs and se rvices. Rather it was ‘the right to be safe’ and the ‘right to a quiet life’ that Labour councillors promoted. Without a collective framework within which to address social problems, and concomitantly without a more robust sense of the active individual, a relationship of protection was posited between the local authority and the communities in question. Talk of ‘rights and responsibilities’ implied the right of vulnerable individuals to be and feel safe, not by being active in their own community but rather by either keeping their children off the streets, or by phoning the police whenever they felt insecure. Advocates of the Child Safety Initiative identified all sections of the community as being at risk – children were at risk simply by being unsupervised; adults were at risk from teenagers who hung about the streets; and young people were at risk from their peers, who could, by involving one another in drink, drugs and crime, ‘set patterns’ for the rest of their lives, as the head of the social work department argued. Even those teenagers involved in anti social and criminal activities were understood as an ‘at risk’ group – the ‘juvenile delinquents’ of the past were thus recast as ‘vulnerable teenagers’ who needed protection from each other. The centrality of the concern with victims of crime, which has developed since the Hamilton curfew was first introduced, is reflected within the curfew itself. In effect all sections of the public were understood to be either victims or vulnerable, potential victims of their neighbours and of local young people. The legitimacy of the police and the local authority was based not on a wider ideological, political or moral platform, but simply on their ability to protect these victims. The politics of antisocial behaviour lacks any clear ideological or moral framework, and therefore it has no obvious constituency. In fact, the basis of the Child Safety Initiative was the weakness of community. Rather than being derived from a politically engaged public, the authority of the council and the police was assumed, or ‘borrowed’, from that public in the guise of individual victims. Accordingly, the police in Hamilton constantly felt under pressure to show that the potential victi ms they were protecting – especially the young people who were subject to the curfew – supported what they were doing. Of course, nobody has a monopoly on borrowed authority. A number of children’s charities similarly took it upon themselves to speak for the children, arguing that the curfew infringed their ‘rights’ and coming up with alternative surveys showing that young people opposed the use of curfews. There was little effort to make a substantial political case against the curfew, however. In fact, ‘child-friendly’ groups and individuals tended to endorse the presentation of young people and children as fundamentally vulnerable potential victims, and some opposed the curfew only on the basis that children would be forced back into the home where they were even more likely to be abused. Just as Blair was put on the defensive over his attack on aggressive begging by charities campaigning for the rights of the victimised homeless, so the curfew exposed the authorities to charges of ‘harassing’ or ‘bullying’ young people. Since the curfew w as justified precisely on the basis of protecting young people from these things, the charge was all the more damaging. This was more than a tricky PR issue: it demonstrated a fundamental problem with the politics of antisocial behaviour. In presenting the public as vulnerable and in need of protection, the state transformed the basis of its own authority from democratic representation to a more precarious quasi-paternalism; in effect it became a victim protection agency. The very social atomisation and lack of political cohesion that underlies the politics of antisocial behaviour means that the authority of the state is constantly in question, despite the fact that its assumptions about the vulnerability of the public are widely shared. As such, the Hamilton curfew gave concrete expression to the attempt to re-engage a fragmented public around the issue of safety, and the difficulties this throws up. Criminalising mischief In contrast to the pragmatic approach of past political elites to the issue of crime and occasional panics about delinquent youth, the current elite has come to see crime, the fear of crime and antisocial behaviour as major ‘social problems’. With the emergence of New Labour in the 1990s any major political opposition to the issue of crime as a key social problem has disappeared and its centrality to political debate and public discourse was established. Under New Labour, however, the concerns being addressed and the ‘social problems’ being defined are less to do with crime and criminals than with annoying children and noisy neighbours. These petty irritations of everyday life have been relabelled ‘antisocial behaviour’, something which is understood to be undermining both individuals’ and society’s sense of well being. At its most ridiculous extreme what we are witnessing is the criminalisation of mischief (24). Basil Curley, Manc hester council’s housing executive, told the Guardian: ‘Yes, we used to bang on doors when we were young. But there used to be badger-baiting once, too. It’s different now, isn’t it? Things are moving on; people want to live differently.’ (25) This casual comparison of children playing ‘knocky door neighbour’ with the brutality of badger-baiting tells us nothing about young people, but indicates that what has changed is the adult world with an inflated sense of vulnerability driving all antisocial behaviour initiatives. For New Labour the problem of the disaggregation of communities and the subsequent culture of fear that grew out of the 1980s was located within politics as a problem of crime and disorder. Devoid of a sense of social progress, in the 1990s it was the political elites – both right and left – who became the driving force for reinterpreting social problems within a framework of community safety. Lacking any coherent political direction, the government has both reacted to and reinforced panics about crime and disorder, institutionalising practices and initiatives based upon society’s sense of fear and anxiety. In an attempt both to regulate society and to reengage the public, over the past eight years New Labour has subsequently encouraged communities to participate in and organise around a raft of safety initiatives. Despite the fall in the official crime statistics society’s sense of insecurity has remained endemic and no ‘sense of community’ has been re-established, much to the government’s frustration. However, rather than recognising that constructing a society around the issue of safety has only helped to further the public’s sense of insecurity, New Labour is becoming ever more reactive and developing more and more policies to regulate a growing range of ‘antisocial’ activities and forms of behaviour. By thrashing around for solutions to the ‘politics of behaviour’ in this way, the government is helping to fuel the spiral of fear and alienation across society. Rather than validating the more robust active side of our character, validation is given to the most passive self-doubting aspects of our personality. Communities and a society that is more at ease with itself would expect men and women of character to resolve problems of everyday life themselves, and would equally condemn those who constantly deferred to the authorities as being antisocial. Today, however, we are all being encouraged to act in an antisocial manner and demand antisocial behaviour orders on our neighbours and their children. Rather than looking someone in the eye and resolving the incivilities we often face, we can increasingly rely on the CCTV cameras to do this, or alternatively look to the community wardens, the neighbourhood police and the antisocial task force to resolve these problems for us. We are told to act responsibly, but are expected to call on others to be responsible for dealing with noisy neighbours or rowdy children. As this approach develops a new public mood is being created, a mood based on the notion of ‘safety first’ where an increasing number of people and problems become the concern of the police and local authorities. This weakened sense of individuals is a reflection of the political elite itself, which lacks the moral force and political direction that could help develop a sense of community. Ultimately, it is the crisis of politics that is the basis for the preoccupation with curtain-twitching issues – the product of an antisocial elite, which is ultimately creating a society in its own image.

The Man Called Mandela and His Legacy - 626 Words

One day,in the far and racialist country, a black man came and changed the country’s destiny. He was Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela and he was born in 18th July 1918,in South Africa. He was the symbol of human rights and most popular prisoner after the Gandhi.His protests changed an age in the South Africa,but when we look at the background of this story; we see incredible simple,usual beginnig.He was born just like a black member of Thembu clan;and in this years, South Africa was a nightmare for black people because of racialism.Government supported differentiation towards to black people and Africans was having atrocity in their country.They didn’t have their lawyers,presidents or anybody for defencing their rights.All country was managing from white’s; all country againsted to them.And nobody thought that, a baby would change that. In the 1937, Nelson Mandela was a order person like others.He moved to Healdtown for his education in Fort Beaufort College. But,unlike from others he forcible transfered because of he attended to political cases.After that,he went to Witwaterstrand University and he graduated from law department in 1942.He was the first black lawyer in the country.This was a great stepping stone for black people’s rights; because in state of play government looked at them like chattel or wage earner.They couldn’t be lawyer,management,doctor or another education career.Therefore they couldn’t defence their rights against to government.But one personShow MoreRelatedQualities Of Nelson Mandela1064 Words   |  5 PagesSouth African civil rights leader was born. Nelson Mandela was born into a royal tribe family and grew up under white control. However, Mandela never saw himself as the inferior race and in fact saw himself as an equal to the whites. This led him to become one of the best civil rights leader in the time of apartheid, but because he stuck up for what he believed, he was put in jail for 27 years. After spending the majority of his life in jail when Mandela got out, he became South Africa’s first black presidentRead MoreNelson Mandela s Influence On Human Rights945 Words   |  4 PagesNelson Mandela is a world renowned activist that was imprisoned for twenty seven years in a South African prison, because of a system of racism known as â€Å"apartheid† which discriminated against blacks living in South Africa at the time. Since his release from prison, apartheid has since been abolished in South Africa and he was elected President of that country. Nelson Mandela had a positive impact on human rights by standing up against racism in his country as well as many others around the worldRead MoreHow the Apartheid Came to Be in South Africa1184 Words   |  5 Pagesfrom non-whites, but it also set apart the Blacks from the Coloreds. When apartheid ended in 1994 a legacy was left behind. Crime and violence became replacements for the road to wealth. Seg regation never completely disappeared and black children/teens were also not receiving enough education. Families became split due to apartheid and the loss of parents from AIDS. Lastly Nelson Mandela has also made a huge impact on South Africa. Although many negative events occurred after apartheid, improvementsRead MoreNelson Mandelas Life Essay899 Words   |  4 Pagestwo choices: submit or fight† (â€Å"Nelson Mandela†). Nelson Mandela took the chance and fought for his rights and freedom. Mandela has gone through many troubles in his life since the day he was born. A young man that had no shoes till he approached the age of sixteen, and then transformed into a great political leader of his country. Mandela’s life is an impressing story to be told! Born on July 18, 1918, Nelson Mandela grew up like many other children in his tribe. He was born in Mvezo, South AfricaRead MoreLeadership and Nelson Mandela Essay1452 Words   |  6 PagesNelson Mandela seems to be like a replica of the American political leader Martin Luther King who fought for the end of racial segregation. As quoted by Mandela, â€Å"I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and with equal opportunities.† He was a transformational leader who uncompromising for rights he fought for in his country South Africa. I believe thatRead MoreThe Apartheid Of South Africa1608 Words   |  7 PagesAfrican government. One freedom fighter stood out amongst the rest: Nelson Mandela, an anti-apartheid revolutionary, who would stand with others at the forefront of the nonwhites’ fight for their rights. Presently, Mande la is regarded as an international hero in the struggle for black liberation who dedicated his life to the abolition of racial oppression in South Africa and to correcting the injustices of the apartheid, using his political power and moral authority over the people. Despite the controversyRead MoreThe Importance Of The Civil Rights Movement1692 Words   |  7 Pagesrise to importance during the Civil Rights era, including Martin Luther King Jr., Sojourner Truth and Nelson Mandela. They all risked and lost their lives in the name of freedom and equality between human races. These significant civil rights leaders changed the route of history through their activism. Also, each of them stood up for everyone to have their rights they deserve and their legacy will always shine bright in the U.S. history. African Americans had a history of struggles because of racismRead MoreNelson Mandela s Legacy Of The Black People Of South Africa1567 Words   |  7 PagesNelson Mandela was a leader in every aspect for the black people of South Africa from the minute he was born to the minute he died. While Nelson Mandela was on trial for sabotage, [a crime that he did not actually commit] he said these words that defined his legacy until the day that he died, â€Å"During my lifetime I have dedicated myself to this struggle of the African people. I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democraticRead More Black Nationalism And The Revolution In Music Essay1045 Words   |  5 Pagessociety in terms of their courage, beliefs and faith to accomplish what they have done in the fields of politics and music. They have been affective in the field of politics by having leaders such as Dr. Martin Luther king Jr., Malcolm x and Nelson Mandela lead them to a civil right society where everyone was treated equally. And they have also been part of the revolution of music in terms of how many categories they have invented and taken over. In the field of politics, their leaders led their communityRead MoreThe Legacy Of Nelson Mandela1377 Words   |  6 Pagesworld that have excelled in leaving their legacy and charisma behind. Their lives are historical and always inspirational to the succeeding generations. Nelson Mandela is among these few charismatic leaders, who spent his entire life for his unquenchable thirst for freedom and human rights. His life was a consistent battle; battle against inequality, racism, peace and democracy. His perseverance and indomitable spirit helped him to attain his goal and his noble mission of spreading equality and establishing

The Matter Of Gun Control - 846 Words

In Hitler’s Table Talk, 1941-1944: His Private Conversations, Adolf Hitler was recorded as stating â€Å"The most foolish mistake we could possibly make would be to allow the subject races to possess arms. History shows that all conquerors who have allowed their subject races to carry arms have prepared their own downfall by so doing. Indeed, I would go so far as to say that the supply of arms to the underdogs is a sine qua non for the overthrow of any sovereignty† (Hitler, Cameron, Stevens, Trevor-Roper, 2000). The matter of gun control in America has long since been a rather controversial issue, with individuals on the left and right passionately voicing their opinions for their cause. Gail Collins and Michael A. Schwartz both address the matter of gun control in their respective New York Times and San Diego Union Tribune opinion articles, but they each do so in drastically dissimilar approaches. Gail Collins, author of The New York Times opinion article â€Å"Wanted: Straight Shooters†, takes a rather straight forward, common sense tactic to addressing the issue of gun control. Collins’ main point is that, since our government can’t agree on controlling the sale of guns, requiring citizens who wish to purchase and carry weapons around to pass a firearms training course. She goes on to point out that, currently, most states don’t require a citizen to demonstrate knowledge of how to safely and properly operate a firearm before a concealed carry permit is issued. New York PoliceShow MoreRelatedThe Matter Of Gun Control1816 Words   |  8 PagesThe matter of gun control has become an increasingly controversial issue. Whenever, a nationalized tragedy ensues that involves gun violence, the question on what to accomplish regarding America’s gun control takes center stage. While exploring this topic, this essay will attempt to discuss the circumst ances that prohibit a person from possessing firearms, also regulations to prevent these persons from possessing firearms. Upon reflecting on the personal side of the gun control debate, stricter gunRead MoreEthnographers Relevance in Aiding the Understanding of Diverse Social Issues 927 Words   |  4 Pagesis facing several social issues that include the matter about gay rights, gun control, capital punishment, environmental pollution among others (Totten Pedersen, 2012, p. 465). The social issue adopted for discussion in this paper is the matter pertaining to gun control that has been very divisive in the nation. The debate about gun control remains a great social issue since it elicits mixed reactions. There are those who think that gun control policy should not be imposed citing that is boundsRead MoreGun Control Essay1256 Words   |  6 PagesGun Control will make the nation Safer Some have said, â€Å"Gun control is good, others have said it isn’t.† â€Å"Gun Control is a governmental regulation of the sale and ownership of firearm†(gun control). I believe that if we have a semi-stricter law on Gun Control, the crime rate would lessen. The reason I decide to choose a topic on Gun control was that it had some intriguing viewpoints, such as different point of views and some controversial viewpoint. I decided to read two type of views on concerningRead MoreThe History Of Gun Control1605 Words   |  7 Pagesâ€Å"In 1939, Germany established gun control. From 1939 to 1945, six million Jews and seven million others unable to defend themselves were exterminated.† Joe Wurzelbacher. The history of gun control legislation started in the 1920s-1930, which made it so that the states and congress could make laws on guns, before this congress had no say on guns and this made it possible for them to create laws. The National Firearm Act of 1934 made it so that owners must register any sawed-off shotguns with the TreasuryRead MoreGun Control: Regulating Concealed Guns1025 Words   |  4 PagesIt is very important to notice that the matter of regulation, first of all, refers to concealed guns. Lott (2013) states that th e problem of allowing concealed handguns--but not openly carried handguns--is based on the argument that â€Å"when guns are concealed, criminals are unable to tell whether the victim is armed before striking, which raises the risk to criminals of committing many types of crimes.† The author also speculates that, on the other hand, when â€Å"open-carry† handgun laws are adopted,Read MoreGun Control859 Words   |  4 PagesScholarly Essay: Gun Control There has been considerable debate recently in Canada over the issue of gun control. The Canadian parliament enacted the Firearms Act to enforce gun control by requiring gun owners to register their firearms. Just recently, the government of Alberta lead in a charge, including five other provinces and numerous pro-gun groups, complaining that the law is unconst... Gun Control Gun control Gun Control Part I:Introduction The issue of gun control and violenceRead MoreGun Control And Its Effect On The Country1310 Words   |  6 Pagesbut guns are the instrument of death. Gun control is necessary, and delay means more death and horror† (BrainyQuote, n.d.). Many people say that gun control will not affect violence rates in a country. Also, they say that if everyone has a gun, then that will stop mass massacres. The people who believe that gun control is not needed are wrong. This is because gun control has been proven to improve the safety of a country. For example, In Australia and Britain reduced violence caused by guns by puttingRead MoreThe Constitutional Right Of The Second Amendment1714 Words   |  7 Pagesthere have been many stories of shootings taken place across various parts of the United States, all of which bring up the highly volatile topic of gun control. Unlike many other wealthy countries, such as the United Kingdom, Japan, Canada, and Australia , where gun ownership is strictly regulated, by in large-the US has very little universal gun control laws throughout the nation. This great controversy is based on the Constitutional right of the Second Amendment, stating, â€Å"A well regulated MilitiaRead MoreGun Control Vs. Gun Rights1099 Words   |  5 PagesReflection Paper One: Gun Control Vs. Gun Rights Whether you gather your information from the newspaper, radio, or a website, you have certainly been exposed to one of the most controversial, current debates. It seems that the media refuses to stop talking about this topic. In fact, as soon as the press over one event disappears another event seems to revive the debate. Some citizens say that we need more restrictive gun laws. Meanwhile, other Americans say that more guns are what is necessary.Read MoreThe Issue Of Gun Control1418 Words   |  6 PagesOctober 2014 Gun control has been a controversial issue in America for over a half-century. This issue has two sides. On one side, there are people who oppose gun control and believe that it is their right under the second amendment to own one or more assault weapons. Republicans such as Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, Governor Rick Perry of Texas and Senator Lindsey Graham of South Carolina are against gun control. On the other side of the issue, there are people who favor gun control and believe that

The Hunger Games And 1984 - 918 Words

One of the most popular themes in novels today involve dystopian societies and many of these books share many characteristics. Both novels include an overpowering government that does not allow basic freedoms to its citizens and when crimes are committed, the punishments have no regulations controlling them. The society in The Hunger Games and 1984 both use a bird as a symbol of freedom, monitor citizens via telescreens and divides their society into groups that work together to benefit the government. A prominent similarity throughout both 1984 and The Hunger Games, is rebellion; it acts as one of the main themes throughout each novel. In The Hunger Games, Katniss leads the districts in a rebellion against the capitol and President Snow. Katniss uses the symbol of a mockingjay to represent the rebellion and bring the citizens together. In 1984, Winston and Julia break the laws set by the Party and attempt to bring members of society together to go against the wishes of the government. They break the rules by speaking against the Party, getting items such as makeup, bread and coffee from the black market, and participating in a secret relationship. They even tell O’Brian about how they do not agree with the Party. While sneaking around in the woods they hear sounds from a thrush bird. When they hear the singing it makes them think about what life could be like without all of the rules and regulations they currently live by. In both societies these symbols are usedSh ow MoreRelatedThe Hunger Games And 1984941 Words   |  4 PagesThroughout history, some of the most popular novels have been about dystopian futures, where an all-powerful government has total control over its citizens and abuses its powers. Two of the most popular and well-known novels are the recent Hunger Games series and 1984, which was written soon after World War II ended. Both follow similar themes, showing a government of the few ruling over its people with unlimited power, and pulling all rights from the citizens they are meant to protect. There are severalRead MoreThe Hunger Games And 1984 Use1083 Words   |  5 PagesHow do the writers of the Hunger Games and 1984 use their first chapter to introduce ideas of a dystopian society? A majority of us squander our time fantasizing about a faultless society, a place where sorrow has not meaning but is replaced with harmony, compassion, and riches. Essentially, we want a place where dreams come true. On the contrary, how often do we reflect on the worst? A place where sorrow is the only meaning and harmony, compassion and riches have no existence. Susceptibility, combatRead MoreComparing 1984 And The Hunger Games930 Words   |  4 Pagesand overcrowding† (Dystopia). Both 1984 and The Hunger Games are novels that revolve around dystopian societies. These two dystopian societies have many aspects in common. Each area is controlled by a high authority and contained by a hierarchy, consumed by poverty and struggle, inhumanely surveilled, and revolutions have been formed. The first similarity found between 1984 and The Hunger Games is the authority figures that have control over the public. . In 1984, their form of the police, The ThoughtRead MoreHunger Games And 1984 By George Orwell852 Words   |  4 PagesHunger Games vs 1984 The novel 1984 by George Orwell is based in a totalitarian society where the inner party controls the rest of Oceania. This storyline is very similar to the modern day story of The Hunger Games. Themes in 1984 such as Big Brother, the Inner Party, Telescreens, Thought Police, and Rebels are all also portrayed in The Hunger Games. Both stories follow the journey of the main character that is also the rebel in the story. There are many modern day stories that model the dystopianRead MoreAnalysis Of The Book 1984 And The Hunger Games 1032 Words   |  5 PagesCorrupt governments, totalitarianism, and no recollection of the previous years, can describe not only the book, 1984, but also the book, the Hunger Games. The two books share many similarities, from districts to ministries and thought police to peacekeepers. These books both share a glimpse into the future after a world war. They both predict that the futuristic societies will be separated into parts, the upper class being ve ry wealthy and receiving many advantages, and the lower class workingRead MoreComparing the Dystopian Elements in Suzenne Collins The Hunger Games and George Orwells 19841377 Words   |  6 Pageselements in Suzanne Collins’ The Hunger Games echo those in George Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-Four Dystopian literature adheres to certain conventions; the theme of a dystopian future typically encompasses a severely repressed society, with socio-political dysfunction and class stratification. Themes of surveillance, censorship and personal independence have been established by authors such as George Orwell, and are recurrent throughout 2008 novel â€Å"The Hunger Games† by Suzanne Collins, although OrwellianRead MoreGeorge Orwell s The Hunger Games979 Words   |  4 Pages1984, the first most influential dystopian novel, set the stage for the future post-apocalypse genre. The â€Å"Big Brother† style overbearing government plowed the way for novels such as the Giver, Fahrenheit 451, The Maze Runner, Divergent, and the Hunger Games. George Orwell wrote 1984 as a warning/prediction of what was to become of the world if it kept on its route. In many ways, some of Orwell’s predictions came true. The main ideas of Orwell’s 1984 inspired Suzanne Collins in her writing of theRead MoreAnalysis Of George Orwell s 1984 949 Words   |  4 Pagesâ€Å"1984† is a story which takes place in what was then the future of England. The book illustrates a dystopian society in which a government figure named â€Å"Big Brother† rules above all. The country is surrounded by eyes so to speak, devices called â€Å"telescreens† are in houses and buildings to monitor what all of the citizens are doing via camera. Coupled with that is the existence of the â€Å"Thought Police† whose sole job is to monitor citizens from committing â€Å"thoughtcrime† which is essentially thinkingRead MoreThe Hunger Games By George Orwell928 Words   |  4 PagesThe Hunger Games may just seem like another one of today’s trendy book series, but it is far more intellectual than that. Unlike the enormously popular and overly romanticized Twilight Saga, The Hunger Games manages to captivate its audiences using a more complex and compe lling plot. A plot that focuses on life in a dystopian society, which is incredibly comparable to the novel 1984. Both authors intended for these novels to be a wake up call to the audience, they wanted readers to be aware so thatRead MoreThe Hunger Games By Suzanne Collins1487 Words   |  6 PagesMy first text is The Hunger Games which is written by Suzanne Collins and it was written in September 14 2008; was set in the future, around the year 2087. My second text which is 1984, which is written by George Orwell and was written on Wednesday June 8 1949 and it was set in 1948. There are many themes in the book hunger games such as ‘the inequality between rich and poor’, ‘suffering as environment’ and ‘the importance of appearances’. In 1984 there is also many themes portrayed such as ‘the

The Best Car free essay sample

This paper provides market research on the best car available. This paper documents a young persons search for the best car around. It provides a look at advertising and marketing ploys, salesmen talk and other useful information that may cloud a persons judgement. The author decides that the best way to test a car is to drive it. From the paper: What is the best sports car for the 2002 model year? This question, which this paper attempts to answer, is not as simple as it might seem to be at first because ?the best? can be very ambiguous. This is why every single car ad that you ever see on television or that you ever see in a magazine can claim that it is in fact the best without the manufacturers? being accused of false advertising, since every car is probably the best for someone. For example, if you have a family with eight children in it, the best car for you will be a really big van that every can fit in at the same time. We will write a custom essay sample on The Best Car or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page If you use a wheelchair to get around, then the best car for you is one that a disabled person can use.

The Cherokee Indians Essays - Cherokee Nation, Cherokee, Sequoyah

The Cherokee Indians The Cherokee Indians were one of the four civilized tribes in the United States during colonial times. The Cherokee people were interested in the white men and their ways, and even using some of the new mens ways. The Cherokee played an important role in Colonial American history with help from Sequoyah and learning the ways of white men. The Cherokee were originally located in the southeast United States. This area included: the western sides of the Carolinas, the northern parts of Georgia and Alabama, southwest Virginia, and the Cumberland Basin. Around 1781 the Cherokee population was around 25,000. They had just lost around half of their population due to smallpox and other diseases. The population remained stable at 25,000 until the late 1830s when the Cherokee were forced to move to Oklahoma(Sultzman). On their way to Oklahoma many of the Cherokee committed suicide or died of hunger causing the population to drop again(Brandon 227). The Cherokee lived in towns of 30 to 60 houses and a large council house(Sultzman). The houses in the towns were not very large, only being one, two, or three room homes. Most of the homes were one story high, but a two-story house was not uncommon. The houses were built by the men and took a long time to build. The men began in early spring to get the boards from trees. When summer came around the men stopped with the houses and turned to planting crops and welfare. As fall arrived the men began to actually put the houses together. Often men from other towns came to help. Since the houses were so small they did not have much room for furniture. The little furniture that they did have was stools, storage chests, and three-foot-high beds. The beds were located in the back and sides of the house. The beds had white-oak foundations and mattresses covered with bear, buffalo, mountain-lion, elk, and deerskins, dressed with the hair on. Just outside the front door of each house was a small sweat house. This is where a fire was constantly kept burning. These were used to purify themselves for religious purposes and to cure diseases(Mails 51, 54). The Cherokee were primarily an agricultural people. Corn was their most important crop. Corn was so important to them they had a ceremony when the corn began to get ripe in hopes that the corn would continue to grow well. Other crops planted were beans, squash, and sunflowers. They also hunted. The main two animals that were hunted were white-tailed deer and wild turkey. Other animals that were hunted are bear, quail, rabbit, and squirrel(Brown 63). Hunting trips in the towns were very serious. Only the men who were fully cleansed and fit were allowed to go on the hunt. When the men needed to go on a hunt they had to go get the priests authority. For the priest to give the permission to the hunt the men must not just be fit and cleansed, but the town must also need meat and/or animal skins. The Cherokee would never be wasteful(Mails 59). All of the Cherokees weapons and tools were made themselves from plants, animals, and other natural things such as rocks and minerals. This lasted until tools and weapons were available from the white men. The most commonly used weapon was the bow and arrow. Other weapons were the stone ax and club. Many of the children had blowguns for toys as well as a weapon. The Cherokee children were not allowed to go on the large hunts, but only by themselves(Brown 51). These weapons were still used after guns were available in many towns. Some areas, however, were heavily hunted by the white men and the amount of game on some of the Cherokee land was reduced. In these areas guns were used instead of the traditional weapons(Sultzman 2). Men who did not hold special rank or position wore belted skin robes fashioned from the hides of bear, deer, otter, beaver, and mountain lion. In the winter they also wore moccasins made of beaver skins. All of the men except some priests shaved all of their heads leaving only a small roachlike section. The women wore short and sleeveless deerskin dresses which were sewn together with fishbone needles.